Ankara does not have the resources to back up its ambitions and is risking further international isolation by involving itself in the Libyan civil war
Simon A. Waldman
Dr Simon A. Waldman is a Mercator-IPC fellow at the Istanbul Policy Center and a visiting research fellow at King's College London. He is the co-author of the recently published The New Turkey and Its Discontents (Oxford University Press, 2017). Twitter: @simonwaldman1
Trump cuts funding, Macron calls it 'brain-dead.' But neither are NATO's most pressing challenge from inside the alliance. NATO needs to show Turkey tough love - now
What Turkey's president is openly planning is the forced exchange of one ethnic population for another. That’s Ethnic Cleansing 101. And Trump rolled over to let it happen
Erdogan's insistence on delivery of the Russian-made missiles, a $2.5 billion waste of money, has invited severe U.S. retaliation - and turned Turkey from an ally of NATO into its antagonist
Opinion Erdogan Lost Istanbul. Now He’ll Use All His Power to Bring Down Turkey’s Newly Confident Opposition
Having realized he couldn’t nix and fix the Istanbul vote again, the opposition ‘Brand Imamoglu’ is becoming a critical threat to a newly vulnerable Turkish president – and he’ll do anything he can to destroy it
The Turkish pro-democracy opposition desperately needs to defeat Erdogan. But not by building up their candidate, Ekrem Imamoglu, as an infallible 'savior'
The anti-Erdogan opposition needs to win big time to avoid another disqualification. But it's facing the full wrath and intimidation of the AKP's machine, and a president who's left democracy behind
Two opposition parties - one mercilessly suppressed, the other subject to underhand attacks - broke 17 years of ‘invincible’ Erdogan in local elections. But the Turkish president’s still got plenty of support – and power
Ankara’s forces - riven by infighting, jihadist proxies and post-coup purges - will always prioritize fighting anti-ISIS Kurdish forces, and not Islamic State itself. America must stay in Syria until the anti-ISIS job is done
Erdogan, who rose out of a party whose leader compared Jews to bacteria, likes to name-drop 'The Mastermind': a Jewish conspiracy preventing Turkey taking its rightful place as a world superpower. No surprise, then, that he's now targeting Soros
After crises over Syria, Kurdish fighters, Russian missiles, beating up protestors, Iran sanctions-busting and jailing clerics, Trump ratcheted up the pressure on Erdogan, forcing Turkey to compromise. In dealing with belligerent authoritarian strongmen, it takes one to know one
Two of the world's biggest suppressors of freedom of expression are about to go head to head over Jamal Khashoggi's disappearance, while the West, keen to keep Riyadh's billions onside, will only muster a silent displeasure, a whisper in a thunderstorm
In elections that were neither free nor fair, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan stage-managed a mandate for ultimate power. But Turkey's opposition parties, despite the buzz they created, also have to account for their failure
He's jailed the opposition, controls the media and enjoys autocratic political powers: Erdogan’s never lost an election. And he’ll make sure it stays that way
Turkey and the West no longer share any strategic interests. In fact, Ankara regards the West as a key security threat
The U.S.-Turkish relationship had endured for over 70 years. But now Turkey wants to muscle the Americans out the Middle East. On a bogus pretext and backed by Russia, Turkey has launched an incursion into Syria – and a proxy war against the U.S.
The Arab Middle East is currently being carved into spheres of influence by imperial powers. This time it's not Britain and France but Iran and Turkey - but the reasons they seek to assert their domination are exactly the same
Turkey's belligerent response to the Kurdish referendum is predictable, but it's still shortsighted and wrong
In Turkey’s schools, creationists are now far ahead of their American peers. And there's a characteristic anti-Jewish twist
The power-centralizing referendum result was an unmitigated tragedy for democracy in Turkey. So why is the ex-pat Turkish elite, usually such astute commentators, so strangely unwilling to admit it?
Will Erdogan’s vocal, consistent opposition to the Assad regime, which has significant popular support, be the second victim of the Andrey Karlov assassination?
With a security apparatus critically weakened by his own post-coup purges, President Erdogan offers Turkish citizens one 'compensation': That victims should be considered martyrs.
For years, the EU believed talks with Turkey over membership granted them leverage to curb its descent into authoritarianism. That was a European delusion.
With three years to go before any further elections and legitimized by the failed coup, Erdogan and the AKP now have free rein to purge their critics and cement an authoritarian regime.
It’s said that the Kurdish attachment to Kirkuk is comparable to the Jewish longing for Jerusalem. What kind of future would a future Kurdish state - caught between Islamists and an angry Baghdad - face?
When only pro-Erdogan demonstrations are given official backing and dissenters are greeted by tear gas – then there's no meaning to the right to protest in Turkey.