An Israeli Bedouin arrived at the memorial ceremony for Amos Oz in Tel Aviv and stood in line to view his coffin. Then he underwent a security check that was appalling and unacceptable
Most want to live under Israeli rule without giving up the Palestinian narrative, and are persevering in this despite all the obstacles
The Palestinians’ refusal to accept that they are confronting a rival national movement has been disastrous for them
The goal must be to cultivate a ‘broad’ Israeli identity in Arab citizens, based on the state being their home and their country, in addition to its being the national home of the Jewish people
If a Jew threatens the integrity of an Israeli cop’s skull, one may assume he’s no anarchist but rather a great patriot, Amona-style
What sort of sensitivity can be expected in conducting a physical search of Arab tourists when there are displays of such insensitivity while questioning Jewish tourists from England?
It is clear that the Jewish state is in a stable situation, and the idea of waging the struggle for quality and integration of the Arab minority under the banner of the abolition of the Jewish state is baseless.
A fellow Haaretz opinion writer chastises rabbis for not warning about the ticking bomb that led to the Duma murders. But that’s not enough.
Nowhere in the Israeli security legislation for the territories is it stated that the laws apply only to Arab residents of the territories, and not to Jews or to Israeli citizens.
Yes, it’s hard to keep military targets away from the civilian population in a densely populated strip of land like Gaza. But any fair discussion of Israel’s combat methods must also take into account Hamas’ contempt for human life.
To Israelis, 'leftist’ is associated with views like the Palestinians’ ostensible right of return and a one-state solution. But it doesn’t have to be that way.
There would be no occupation, because there would no longer be two peoples in this land.
Denmark, Greece, Croatia and others have embraced a national religion or majority peoplehood - but they have also guaranteed civic equality to all.
One has the right to say: 'I am a Palestinian whose Israeli ID card was forced on him, and I prefer to be subject to an apartheid regime than to live under Palestinian rule.’
In discussing the Palestinian demand for the 'right of return' to Israel, we must face a complicated reality.
The Palestinian leadership often repeats that the right of return for Palestinian refugees is sacred, so why does everyone ignore this major challenge to the peace process?
Whoever believes in equality between people and nations, and does not believe in the law of the jungle, must support the idea of two independent peoples.
It's possible the future will prove that Israeli fascism, which has been at the gate for decades, will finally overcome its strange bashfulness and enter the living room. But it's also possible that those who predict that fascism is just around the corner simply don't understand Israeli society very well.
It is true that in Israel the terms left, center and right are defined mainly by the attitude toward the Israeli-Arab conflict, but if Labor is centrist in this respect then what does centrism mean.
No society is responsible for the acts of an extremist and violent minority, but it is certainly responsible for the silence of its leaders in the face of such acts.
This movement can't be turned into a political party, or a camp with a clear-cut political and ideological character, without losing most of its participants and all of its public influence.
As long as the term "Jewish state" seeks to express the right of the Jewish people to a state, its supporters are on solid ground.
The secret to the strength of Israeli democracy may lie in another feature of this society that is not easily reconciled with a well-run democracy: the quasi-tribal sense of Jewish solidarity, the general sense that we are a kind of extended family.
Russian-speakers have made a positive contribution to Israeli society in many areas. But when it comes to attitudes toward freedom of expression, the majority of this group's elected representatives are making a negative contribution.
It is not incidental that many members of the left so often quote Zionist leaders - who, even before the establishment of the state, called for a compromise with the other side.
Everything the state wants to give those who serve, it can do generously by increasing the demobilization grant. There would be no discrimination of any kind between those who served and those who did not.
The discourse of the Arab leadership - not necessarily of the Arab public - is trampling on equality in the guise of defending it.
The new law banning discrimination when deciding on new members of a community makes it essential to now set clear limits to the quasi-official status of Zionist institutions.
The 'price tag' people are knowingly playing with matches next to a barrel of explosives in order to threaten the government. They are not only criminals - they are a threat to Israel's security and must be treated as such.
The problem is that the Israeli left refuses, in almost all of its public utterances, to deal seriously with the question of whether the Palestinians' sole and final aim is to put an end to the occupation.