Haaretz is the strongest advocate for an Israel that is a liberal democracy living in peace with its Palestinian neighbors and that guarantees equal rights for all its citizens
Ayelet Shaked wants freedom to violate human rights as the parliamentary majority understands it at any time, and freedom to discriminate between the rights of Jewish and non-Jewish citizens
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A newspaper has to give its readers a faithful and relevant picture of reality and help the reader form his own opinions.
Haaretz publisher Amos Schocken responds to critics who took the newspaper to task for editorial blasting an art school for censoring a nude painting of an Israeli minister.
The growing delegitimization of Israel is this country's own handiwork. Should Israel decide to end apartheid, it will return to being legitimate in every respect.
The prime minister says he is willing to resume talks with the Palestinians, but all of his actions suggest otherwise.
Partition is needed not to achieve peace with the Palestinians, but to avert the failure of the Zionist vision of a Jewish and democratic state.
'If you are interested in Israel, this is the smart thing to do. If you care about Israel, it is also the right thing to do.'
Those who present themselves as supporters of the two-state solution, but who insist on demanding recognition of a nation-state, are acting to perpetuate the occupation and settlement.
If a Palestinian state signs a peace treaty with Israel without recognizing Israel as the nation-state of the Jewish people, will it be licensed to do bad things?
Marking the first anniversary of Haaretz's digital subscription, a personal message to our loyal readers, in Israel and abroad.
Schocken answers questions concerning the new design, layout, and subscription services available at Haaretz.com.
Haaretz publisher Amos Schocken presents the paper's new digital subscriptions, which will enable us to provide you with accurate and comprehensive news coverage, analyses and commentary on Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish world.
Haaretz publisher Amos Schocken says there is a difference between the apartheid of South Africa and what is happening in Israel and in the territories, but there are also similarities.
In many successful companies, a veteran CEO becoming chairman is considered a fitting way to ensure generational change while preserving strategic direction, professional expertise and the trust of investors and clients.
It is indeed regrettable that the attorney general's potency derives from the fact that he also functions as the head of the prosecution.
Dankner's attempt to harm a newspaper simply fulfilling its public role is reflective of a clear and present danger: a weakening of the regulatory system, or the elimination of such a system altogether.
Even if the vision of a state-in-the-making is more beautiful than its realization, those who aspire to make reality more like the dream deserve admiration.
Any vote for a party other than Meretz in effect means appointing someone who constitutes a genuine threat to Israeli society as a "senior minister" - as Likud chairman Benjamin Netanyahu promised.
Why the prime minister made such a no-holds-barred war against the legal system - which, despite its shortcomings, is one of Israel's most magnificent systems - part of his agenda remains a mystery.
We do not have to identify the characteristics of South African apartheid in the civil rights discrimination in Israel in order to call Israel an apartheid state. It is best that we not try to evade the truth: The Citizenship Law's existence turns Israel into an apartheid state.
How is it possible that a justice minister brings for approval legislation on Basic Laws without first gaining the approval of the coalition partners?
It is not only one particular initiative of Friedmann?s or another that clashes with the government?s guidelines; the very fact that this man holds the office of justice minister is a blunt violation of the coalition agreement.
The decision this week by Labor's Knesset faction to veto the proposed Basic Law on the powers of the court, which Friedmann wants to enact, shows that the party has shed its apathy and understands what it is up against.
The dispute is over whether the justice minister and the cabinet will use their power to influence the choice of the Supreme Court president or whether they will prefer the public interest and the independence of the judiciary.
One needs effrontery and chutzpah of a kind never demonstrated by Rubinstein during his years as a public figure in order to argue that Dorit Beinisch is not worthy of serving as Supreme Court president, and then, following her appointment, to ask for a 'substantive debate without personal attacks.'
If there is one minister in the government of Israel who does not sing the national anthem, then perhaps the national anthem should be re-examined.
The coming year will be one of complex tests. Israel is a country with risks, but also great opportunity. The prime minister's test, if he manages to muster the courage and resolve to provide Israel the leadership it needs, is to exploit the opportunity the country now faces.