Completing the Circle of Proof

More than two years after the Camp David summit, most Israelis are still convinced the Palestinians are to blame for the failure of the talks, just as they are guilty in the renewed bloody conflict.

More than two years after the Camp David summit, most Israelis are still convinced the Palestinians are to blame for the failure of the talks, just as they are guilty in the renewed bloody conflict.

This is further proof, in the opinion of most Israelis, that the Palestinians and their leadership have not changed their original evil scheme to bring about the eventual establishment of a Palestinian state from the Mediterranean to Jordan.

The rejection of Ehud Barak's proposals at Camp David is explained as another illogical example of "the Palestinians never missing an opportunity to miss an opportunity." Bringing up the issues of the refugees and their right of return was presented by Israel as the reason for the breakdown of the summit and as further proof of uncompromising Palestinian irredentism.

The outbreak of demonstrations in September 2000 is explained as a planned initiative of Yasser Arafat, further proof of his intention to force an agreement on Israel, through force rather than negotiations.The replacement of mass demonstrations by shooting at soldiers and settlers in the West Bank and Gaza is further proof of the treacherousness of the Palestinian Authority.

The shift of the Palestinians to terror attacks within Israel completes the circle of proofs and connections: The purpose of Palestinians - the Hamas, as well as the Fatah - is to murder Jews. They don't distinguish between Israelis within the State of Israel and their army, and the settler-citizens within the West Bank.

All of these proofs and connections continue to justify, in the eyes of Israelis, the policy of the IDF's attacks on Palestinians in their towns.

On the Palestinian side, the past two-and-a-half years provide limitless proof for the theory of the nature of Zionism and the State of Israel, and the character of their leaders. The suppression of the first Palestinian popular demonstrations in September and October 2000 with live fire and fatal consequences is a consequence of an Israeli pre-planned plot to impose an arrangement on the PA with supreme military force.

The "illegal" outposts established in the last two years have confirmed the suspicions of the Palestinians about the craftiness of Israeli leaders who dissociate themselves from the "illegal activities" and then lend a hand to their activities "under the table." The fact that Israel has continued to expand the settlements, and almost doubled the number of settlers, particularly during the Oslo years, is proof of Zionist irredentism, the calculated refusal - since 1949 - to define the international Israeli border.

The fact that Defense Minister Shaul Mofaz said "it is possible legally to implement settlement contiguity between Ma'aleh Adumim and Jerusalem" places him in the same irredentist settlement continuum with Yitzhak Rabin. As prime minister during the Oslo period, he expanded the area under the jurisdiction of this gigantic settlement, at the expense of the Palestinian area of East Jerusalem and the territorial contiguity of the future Palestinian state. This expansion decision is viewed by Palestinians as yet another link in the continuum of decisions of expansionism and colonization in the `70s, of the Alignment and Likud as one ("the Left" and "the Right") - which established "Ma'aleh Adumim" as an industrial area, which expanded into a city in Israel.

The Palestinians find a connection not just between every expanded settlement of today and the continuation of their expansion during the Oslo years and their establishment and their expansion in the years prior to Oslo - but also between the expansion of today and the beginning of Zionism and 1948. This link corroborates the earlier Palestinian claim that the objective of Zionism was to dispossess the entire Palestinian people of its land.

The deadly attacks by Israel on crowded civilian areas is also proof for the Palestinians of the characteristic contempt for the blood of "the children." In the language of the Palestinians, it is state terror.

The Israeli argument that terrorists are hiding in those same places strengthens the Palestinian conception regarding the double Israeli standards. Isn't it true that senior Israeli army officers, commanders and soldiers, who are responsible for killing thousands of Palestinian citizens in the past 20 years, live within civilian neighborhoods? And hasn't the IDF established bases and positioned tanks within settlements, from where it shells the Palestinian neighborhoods and camps?