Only Netanyahu can

Benjamin Netanyahu apparently sincerely wants national unity. And that is good, if his goal is to encourage reconciliation and reduce tensions. If, however, the motive for his stubborn pursuit of Tzipi Livni is hesitation about actually treading the path down which he undertook to lead the nation, it is not unity he is pursuing, but a straitjacket (in background briefings this week, he hinted that "only the Likud can" make concessions).

Netanyahu campaigned on a fairly clear diplomatic, security and economic platform, an alternative to the one that has failed, and the voters gave him a mandate to implement it. But to do so, he must free himself of the obsessive need felt by all members of his generation who grew up in Revisionist homes - the need to win approval from our apostles of political correctness. Livni, a former Betar member who abandoned her ancestors' path and became the media's darling, is a prime example of this need.

If the motive for pursuing his opponents, whose policies he promised to change radically, is to "prove" they are wrong about him, he will be scorned by both those he is courting on the left and those on the right who (still) support him. But if it turns out this unity is meant to bolster parliamentary support for implementing his ideas, he will be acknowledged as a leader.

Jewish voters gave Netanyahu's "narrow" coalition a decisive majority: 65 seats, compared to 44 for the leftist parties. Such a government is capable of dealing with the threat of an Iranian nuclear bomb, just as Menachem Begin's government dealt with Iraq's nuclear reactor. The left was in opposition at that time, and became panic-stricken. Shimon Peres wrote Begin that Israel's bombing of the Iraqi reactor would turn it into a pariah. But the public (the Arabs in any case oppose any security measure Israel adopts) will, once again, support its army and its government.

Most of the public also supports a forceful deterrent policy toward the Palestinians. Had this not been the case, it would not have more than doubled Likud's strength, increased the strength of its natural partners and decimated the left because of its failure in the war on terror.

National unity would help in implementing the painful steps necessary for an economic recovery, but the same is not true of foreign policy. Livni, who seeks to be prime minister, will be loyal to those who chose her as someone politically and personally worthy of this lofty post, not to Netanyahu's policy. And to secure American and European support for herself, she is liable to adopt a contrarian line, which could cause the government to collapse.

It would be better for the Obama administration to be faced with an Israeli government that speaks with a single voice, acts as a single body and knows how to resist pressures and initiatives - just as Begin, politely but forcefully, rejected the Reagan plan (a full withdrawal from Judea, Samaria and Gaza and establishment of an autonomous Palestinian entity linked to Jordan). And though this rejection sowed panic among the left and the media, the sky did not fall. On the contrary, Ronald Reagan and his administration learned to respect Israel's "no" and did nothing, other than a pro forma protest, when the Knesset annexed the Golan Heights.

Netanyahu has been blessed with a broad strategic vision and a well-developed and compelling sense of history. He is well aware of the existential tests we are facing. Is he the person who can lead the people and the country at this time? With all the doubts, he will certainly be better than the last few premiers. He is also backed by the most talented and experienced team to be found in any Israeli political party. If he were to give them posts and authority instead of courting opponents who are inferior in their ability to get things done and their commitment to Jewish and Zionist values, he would rise to the level of a leader, his government would be stable and it would faithfully and successfully carry out its mission.