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Democracy is humankind's greatest creation. It allows rulers, in the name of the majority, to do what no ordinary brain would dare consider, like making Limor Livnat education minister, or making Israeli children take classes in something called "Gandhi's Heritage."

Rehavam Ze'evi's main claim to a heritage is that he was murdered by Palestinians - a despicable crime, just like the murders of 621 other Israelis in the last two years. The rites surrounding Ze'evi's assassination constitute a dubious and stupid recycling of the mourning over the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin six years earlier. When they were killed, Rabin was a prime minister and Gandhi was a minister, and both were veterans of the Palmach and the IDF's general staff. But that's where their partnership ends. Joining them together, so that 10-20 years from now second graders won't be able to tell them apart, is not the same as the confusion second graders have about Trumpeldor and Bar Kochba living in the same era. It maliciously erases the differences between good and evil.

The murder of a politician, or ideologically motivated murders (which are not necessarily the same thing), are a shock for democracies, but there is a big difference between Haim Arlosoroff and Meir Kahane, and with all due respect, Hamad Abi Rabiya, who was murdered by the sons of his political rival, Jabar Mu'adi. Lousiana governor Huey Long was assassinated just like presidents Lincoln and Kennedy, but the corrupt Long's heritage is not anything like Lincoln's, and to a lesser extent Kennedy's (McKinley has been pretty much forgotten). On the spectrum between Arlosoroff and Kahane, it's clear at which pole Ze'evi is found.

Instead of a class on "Gandhi's Heritage," it would be better to spend a class studying the censor's heritage, since it was only because of the censor that Ze'evi avoided the pantheon of shame in Israeli history. As an IDF general, at the end of the 1960s and early 1970s, he was responsible for some very disgraceful acts. During that lenient period of defense minister Moshe Dayan, and chiefs of staff Haim Bar-Lev and his successor David Elazar, it was possible to wipe out those deeds, with the cooperation of the system in charge of enforcing the law in the army.

Ze'evi was one of 250 generals, and hundreds of thousands of soldiers, who have so far served in the IDF, but he was not a particularly outstanding battlefield commander. It's said that he was "a most outstanding staff officer," which is valuable for any organization, but rather odd praise when disconnected from the character of the organizational expert. Mussolini may have made the trains run on time, but that's no proof of the righteousness of the Italian railway managers.

After he got out of the army, Ze'evi made friends with criminals. One's taste in friends is his personal affair, but in at least one criminal investigation, of a double murder, Ze'evi made himself into a police target. When he provoked his interrogators he was saved from arrest only because one of his former soldiers in the army, Herzl Shafir, was police commissioner and felt uneasy about arresting his former superior officer. In his defense, Ze'evi whispered that when he was called by the murderers to show up ("if you need me, I'll come"), he did so because he was afraid that the murderers might tell his family about some of the things he did in their company during his outings with them.

The Shamgar commission that investigated Rabin's assassination did not deal with the ministerial responsibility of the prime minister for the Shin Bet's failure to protect him, because Rabin did not violate the security force's instructions. If it had investigated the Shin Bet's failure to protect Ze'evi, the commission would have reached the opposite conclusion.

Livnat is denying Ze'evi the right to rest, or transfer, in peace. As a protest, parents could forbid their children from being exposed to the whitewashing of the black, and hold a counter-lesson at the same time as Livnat's lesson.