Once, when the Israel Defense Forces really were the Israel Defense Forces, the term officers used to describe their goal was "victory," plain and simple. Now, due to the loss of self-confidence that stems from most of Israeli society having lost its way, even the army does not define its goals in unequivocal terms as an army should. And when victory is not the goal, or at least not the government's, then even in the army, under the ideological and theoretical influence of civilian organizations and individuals with a post-Zionist and post-modernist orientation, alien terms - borrowed, unfocused and ambiguous - emerge. For example: containment. And: limited conflict.
And this among other things has caused us - after more than 53 months of fighting - to lose our direction. Today we are left with a wall that returns us to the Green Line, but which even its fans say will not guarantee us protection against rockets and mortars; with the uprooting of thousands of Jews - as a down payment on the uprooting of hundreds of thousands - from their land, clearly as the result of "containment" and "limited conflict"; with the road map, which was forced upon us by a dangerous coalition of Europe, the United Nations and the Americans; and with a warning by the head of Military Intelligence that the terrorists' "capabilities are currently greater than they were in the past."
Those who are waging war on Israel do not need a strategic intelligence gathering network. Israel is an open book. Recently its goals have been defined in post-modernist terms full of "lofty sentiment," but only for that reason, not because they conceal anything or because the enemy has trouble understanding them.
Take, for example, the head of MI, who is responsible for our secrets. He revealed Israel's goal to surfers from Arab countries in an interview on Ynet: "to contain terror." In other words, our strategy is expressed as "containment" - the ability to absorb blows - not as a desire to defeat terror. And Aharon Ze'evi Farkash, as is his habit, was equally open about the results of this definition: Even today, there is "a great deal of activity [aimed at] `completing [preparations for] attacks,' including booby-trapped tunnels."
The cries of despair from Jewish society were, without doubt, the key factor that led the prime minister to decide to put us into a fenced-off ghetto, the supreme expression of the "containment" policy. Jewish society did not demand, as a strong and healthy society should, that we fight the enemy until he, not we, is put behind fences. And the height of society's betrayal of its essence and identity is its support for uprooting its true heroes, and indeed, its only ones: the residents of Gush Katif and northern Samaria. It supports the uprooting, among other reasons, because it cannot forgive these valiant souls, who proved that it is possible, by means of faith and values - in contrast to the fence and withdrawals that the majority of society has chosen - to defeat terror; who proved that there is another way, the way of the rooted, not the way of those who are blown away by every passing breeze.
The justification for the uprooting is the self-justification chosen by Israel - abandoning its values and the most elementary solidarity - in order to explain to itself its inability to withstand the test of war. And when the uprooted failed to understand the essence of this original way of saying thank you - the uprooting, which has no parallel in any other nation - then society mobilizes, from the prime minister to the least of its media, to turn them into inciters and rejectionists, into violent, bloodthirsty extorters of compensation. In order to live with the betrayal, society, and especially Likud members, need this propaganda.
The disengagement, say the heads of the terrorist organizations, is the fruit of our sacrifices - and of the weakness of Israel's government and society. Indeed, all our cards are on the table, and the terrorists need no strategic intelligence regarding our fortitude.
Nevertheless, in order to remove the last shred of doubt - after all, they were astonished, they could not believe that this was the true Israel, and they feared lest we were laying a trap for them - the head of MI, unusual even by Israel's loose-lipped norms, stepped forth to convince them that "containment," or Israeli acceptance of terror, is not a Palestinian delusion, a hallucination of Israeli weakness. It is the reality, he told them. The reality.
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