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If complimenting and praising a politician who schemed in order to further peace, on the one hand, and sharply criticizing a politician who schemed in order to gain a cabinet chair in a government that undermines peace, on the other hand, is hypocrisy - then I am a hypocrite. I admit, I paid tribute to the decision by then-prime minister Menachem Begin to break his commitment to settle in Sinai, and to instead return all of the Sinai peninsula to Egypt. I enthusiastically supported then-prime minister Yitzhak Rabin's decision to get the Oslo B accord passed with the help of a Knesset member who was enticed by the post of a deputy minister.

True I condemned then-prime minister Yitzhak Shamir, who supported the concept that "for the Land of Israel, it is allowed to lie." I confirm that I feel deep repulsion for right-wing people who, for that same purpose, are prepared to steal the land of a foreigner and to cheat the Supreme Court. I thanked Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu when he brought the abducted soldier, Gilad Shalit, back home, in return for freeing hundreds of terrorists "with blood on their hands." And I did not remind the prime minister of the rebukes he had uttered, at the time, over the Jibril deal.

Amending the Tal Law by the end of July will not make Shaul Mofaz's manipulation smell any sweeter. Changing the system of government by the end of the year will not make his lies white. The words that could repair the good name of the Kadima leader are not to be found in the coalition agreement that was signed in the dark of night. The signatories of that agreement made do with a vague text without any date for its application: "The government will take steps to renew the political process and to further negotiations with the Palestinian Authority. The sides agree on the importance of keeping the State of Israel a Jewish and democratic state with defensible borders." There is not a word about the Obama formula (the 1967 borders with agreed on and mutual corrections ), nor a mention of the Quartet's program and timetable that fixed a date for the conclusion of negotiations. No mention of freezing building on settlements or of tearing down the West Bank outposts. And the Arabs' peace plan - yuck!

Kadima's certificate of integrity was written by Mofaz when he publicly criticized the lack of action on the part of Tzipi Livni. The document can be found on the party's Internet site. Mofaz wrote in 2010, "Because of the lack of initiative, Israel is likely to find itself facing, in the coming months, international recognition of a Palestinian state, together with an imposed agreement, increased delegitimization, economic isolation, the imposition of sanctions and even a political crisis with the United States at a time of regional conflict."

Mofaz claimed that his political program could ensure the existence of Israel as a democratic state, a model society, and a member of the Family of Nations. He promised that his program would change Israel's image "overnight" and proposed to Netanyahu that he adopt it as the platform for a wall-to-wall coalition. "Don't be afraid, Bibi," he wrote, "take this program and let's set up a government together."

Netanyahu really doesn't have a reason to be afraid of Mofaz's program. It provides him with an excellent opportunity to recycle the claim that the Israelis like so much, "The Palestinians never miss an opportunity to miss an opportunity." Netanyahu can be sure that no Palestinian who wants to remain alive in politics will agree to the annexation of settlement blocs, including the Ariel bloc, in return for recognition of a temporary Palestinian state that stretches over 60 percent of the West Bank. Netanyahu can sign - with both hands - a deal that proposes that, in a final-status agreement, the Palestinians will get an area that is equal in size to the entire West Bank. He can rely on the fact that there will not be one Arab state that will allow the Palestinians to sign an agreement perpetuating the annexation of all of East Jerusalem to Israel and to make do, as Mofaz proposes, with "a creative solution to conducting daily life."

Mofaz knew that with the current composition of the Likud's faction in the government and the Knesset, Netanyahu can be sure that decisions that take territories from the Palestinians will be passed, as opposed to plans that transfer territories to the Palestinians. Mofaz preferred to bury his plan for saving Zionism (as it was originally called ), rather than to risk the burial of his political career. He preferred to ride the wave of protest against the ultra-Orthodox and to pull the popular program to change the system of government out of the attic.

Until it is proven otherwise, Mofaz and his colleagues from Kadima who went with him will remain schemers - not for peace but for a place around the cabinet table.

Read this article in Hebrew