Shlomo Avineri

Uncritical usage of the term 'delegitimization,' which is characteristic of Israel's political discourse, the government's public relations efforts and the activity of overseas Jewish organizations, does damage to Israel.

Just as nobody, even in German schools, would dream of teaching the German 'narrative' regarding World War II, the 1948 war should also not be taught as a battle between narratives. In the final analysis, there is a historical truth.

Even though at first glance it might not look that way, Egypt's decision to open the Rafah crossing point is also good for Israel.

Because the Palestinians have shown no willingness to deal with their historical responsibility for what ensued, there is a grave moral defect in the Nakba discourse.

In Egypt it appears that democracy may not be ensuing yet in the post-Mubarak era; it is obvious that even if the dictatorships in Libya and Yemen are overthrown, it is not reasonable that we will see a stable democracy established in their stead.

If there is going to be a two-state solution, some assumption of culpability should be expected from the Arab side, making it much easier for Israelis to share Palestinian pain.

The prime minister must go beyond public relations gimmicks and tactics, not all of which are reprehensible, and clarify the key point: Does Netanyahu see Israel continuing to control millions of Palestinians?

As far as Israel is concerned, the lesson is simple: It shouldn't boycott international forums, even if they are clearly biased against it.

The proposal to raise the election threshold, just like the law calling for the direct election of the prime minister, could lead to a result that is actually opposite from the one intended.

Everyone - the U.S. president, the European Union, NATO - will call on Gadhafi to go but hide behind the need for a Security Council resolution to use force, a resolution they all know Russia and China will veto.

In wake of the upheaval that has swept through Egypt and much of the region, it is important to remind ourselves that peace with Egypt is a moral value as well.

So far, the Netanyahu government's reaction has managed to portray Israel as an extension and protege of the West - as Israel's enemies in the Arab world wish to present it.

The future of the Labor Party is not dependent upon the identity of its next chairman, but rather on its ability to create a united leadership around a clear social platform.

For the sake of its own freedom, Israel must make every effort to reduce and minimize as much as possible its rule over the Palestinians.

The United States must abandon its fruitless efforts to obtain a final agreement in favor of examining the option of interim agreements or partial, perhaps even unilateral, measures.

Israel should develop an alternative plan based on unilateral steps - not offering the Palestinians gestures, but trying to protect Israeli interests in a deadlock.

Israel can take several steps to defuse tensions between itself and Turkey.

While debate is the heart and soul of democracy, there are limits to how far one can go in describing those who don't agree with him. After all, words can also kill.

In the international arena, it is difficult to imagine that anyone would object to a demand of this kind.

Whether the Palestinians accept Israel's right to self-determination, or even its existence, is missing the point of the peace talks, but still raises an important issue.

Israel needs to make fundamental decisions on immigration; until that happens, we must freeze expulsions of foreign workers and their children.

A radical Jewish leftist who supported the steps that led to the legislation turned to a head of an Arab organization and asked: "We did what you wanted, and you still aren't satisfied. What should we call the country so you'll really feel equal?" With a broad smile the head of the Arab association replied: "What's the problem? The real name was and always will be: Falastin."

Before Halutz raises the money to take over a political party, he should tell the public where he stands on essential questions like the peace process with the Palestinians, the future of the settlements and the nature of Israeli society.

Just as Jews are not the ones who will determine whether the Palestinians are a people or not, Salman Masalha cannot determine whether the Jews are a people or not. It is a question of self-determination.