Ely Karmon

Obama’s visit is an important opportunity for Israel to lobby for a grand agreement between the U.S. and Russia to protect and disarm the Alawite minority in Syria after the fall of Bashar Assad's regime.

The late Venezuelan President Chavez was Iran's go-between for Latin America, and probably the most open apologist for Hezbollah in the region. The symbiotic relationship between Chavez and Ahmadinejad was also grounded on their visceral anti-Semitism.

Despite the wishful thinking of Israeli and Turkish pundits and politicians that a settlement of the Mavi Marmara affair would enable a renewed alliance between the two countries, this has little chance when anti-Israeli rhetoric serves to keep the current Turkish government in power and Turkish regional influence on the rise.

Contrary to claims by the terrorists, the attack in Amenas was likely planned weeks, or months, in advance; Algeria's military operation to free the hostages, on the other hand, was a hasty measure aimed at securing the government's image of power and control, even at the cost of foreigners' lives.

Analysts from across the Middle East shed light on what kind of Syria and what kind of regional blocs will emerge from the current crisis.

Past U.S. presidents have had a poor record of standing up to Tehran, so how should Israel regard Barack Obama's promises to attack before Iran goes nuclear?

The strategic goal behind Iran’s present terrorist campaign against Israel is to provoke a regional conflict between Israel and its neighbors which would divert international attention from Iran’s nuclear program.

In the event of Iran’s vital interests being threatened by the international community, by the U.S. or by Israel, Africa could be a preferred ground for retaliation, directly or with Hezbollah’s support.

Are the record results for Marine Le Pen a sign of the resurgence of far-right parliamentary (and extra-parliamentary) parties in Europe?