Akiva Eldar

If PA Chairman Abu Mazen (Mahmoud Abbas) is not capable of controlling Hamas before the IDF leaves the Strip, what will happen after we leave?

In an interview to the BBC Blair suddenly turned Israel from a partner to a common fate to a partner in blame

It is odd, nevertheless, that while everyone is concerned with money matters, no one is asking Sharon to be accountable for the blood of the past five years.

Anyone who roams the paths of Israel, ambles along its streets or travels its roads receives the impression that his feet have been accorded the privilege of treading the earth of the birthplace of democracy. Masses of people are saying it with ribbons.

If Abbas is not strengthened by the U.S. and Israel, the withdrawal from Gaza will turn into Hamas' victory parade, and then there will be no need for elections or for international recognition in order to launch the third intifada.

It could be that there is some substance to the argument that Palestinian Authority Chairman Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen) is plotting to eliminate the State of Israel by means of the right of return.

The Prime Minister's Bureau is silent, the Oslo architects are busy with primaries, Peace Now is pasting stickers for disengagement. And the negotiations for a permanent status agreement can wait.

The disengagement plan actually pulls the rug out from under the Israeli argument that the withdrawal means an end to the occupation in the region.

The Palestinians must learn that the heroes of the withdrawal from Gaza are not the suicide bombers, and that additional attacks will not yield further withdrawals, but will only stiffen the Israeli public's positions.

Who has time for or is interested in warnings about the perpetuation of the freeze in the peace process, Hamas taking over in the territories or a renewal of the terror attacks, as long as Sharansky can protest in the town square against "Israeli concessions in the peace process without democratic reforms by the Palestinians?"

Learning the lessons of the failure that ended in the outbreak of the second intifada could perhaps, even now, prevent the third intifada.

If Defense Minister Shaul Mofaz is worthy of the title "poodle," then the chief of staff, Moshe Ya'alon, deserves the moniker "chicken."

Strange. A politician who is afraid to evacuate dozens of outposts inhabited by lawbreakers and needs the opposition's help to survive is considered a strong leader. A politician ready to sign a peace agreement between two states is considered a weak leader.

Israel is not withdrawing from Gush Katif to solve the housing problems of the neighbors in the refugee camps of Gaza.

Bush, the man who released the demon of democratizing the Middle East from its bottle, will have great difficulty explaining to Abu Mazen why he must declare war on a religious party that wants to participate in democratic elections.

It would not be terrible if the chief of staff were to say a word about the palpable danger in the deposing of Abu Mazen (Mahmoud Abbas) and with him - the two-state solution.

Everything now depends on the president of the United States, the only person with an influence on Sharon. On April 12, the day after the meeting with Sharon on the Texas ranch, we will know whether we have to apologize to George W. Bush.

It is very difficult to find an IDF officer who would claim the settlements contribute to the State of Israel's "security interests," and as far as their contribution to the "interests of the local population," the less said the better.

Democracy's loss will only be peace's gain if Sharon commits to putting the peace process back on track where it was left by the left after his trip to the Temple Mount.

The fence planned for Palestinian lands, and the expansion of Jewish settlements in the area, will prevent any possibility that Jerusalem will one day become the joint capital for both nations.

The experts assess that - even though it is based on the perception that there is no Palestinian partner - the disengagement might turn out to be far-reaching, not only with respect to the management of the conflict, but also its resolution.

The controversy surrounding the Jewish National Fund lands touches on the thin line that practical Zionism has tried to tread for more than 100 years: living in coexistence with democracy.

Perpetuation of the perception of the PA as an enemy entity has a strong effect on IDF commanders and seeps into the consciousness of every soldier. Contemplation of Palestinians through the gun sight affects the distance between finger and trigger.

Sharon, who was elected by a huge majority, is having difficulty enlisting a stable coalition for evacuating several hundred families from dangerous areas. How can we expect a newly elected Palestinian leader to declare an all-out war "immediately"?

In the mid-1980s, when the government considered allowing elections in the territories, Henry Kissinger warned an Israeli friend that the territory in which the Palestinian people will elect its leaders will not remain in Israel's hands.