At the industry awards ceremony, Miri Regev repeated her hollow claim that Israeli film doesn’t represent the public at large; the award nominees and winners proved the opposite.
The municipality has already crafted a five-year plan to build 2,200 classrooms at a cost of $585 million – especially for Arabs and ultra-Orthodox Jews.
Israel must be transformed into a federation of largely autonomous cantons with jurisdiction over education, personal-status law and determination of public norms.
Yaakov Litzman, Arye Dery cite previous comments and actions by the Yesh Atid chairman.
When the Haredim go to battle for their turf – for example, to get streets closed on Shabbat, along with budgets and educational autonomy – they generally succeed. Secular turf is another story.
From Safed in the north to Ashdod in the south, secular and ultra-Orthodox Jews are locked in a struggle over whether stores and leisure facilities should open on Shabbat. The fighting is fierce, but neither side can claim a decisive victory.
No one is keeping the ultra-Orthodox from observing Shabbat as they see fit in their neighborhoods. So why should they try to impose a curfew on the rest of the country?
Once, there were Orthodox rabbis who understood the necessity of adapting religion to the needs of a sovereign Jewish state. Today they can barely be heard.
Lapid’s message is clear and terrifying: A politician who wants a reasonable chance at becoming prime minister must be an empty screen onto which anyone can project their own wishes.
In the railway-work-on-Shabbat crisis, if it’s true he was trying to flex his muscles against his transportation minister, we’re talking about a new degree of insecurity.