The secular unrest in Egypt is growing, as are calls for another revolution – this time against the Islamic movement; Mohammed Morsi's movement. A "million-man protest" is scheduled for August 24 against the "General Guide State" (a reference to the title of the Muslim Brotherhood's leader). Yet one can count on the party's leaders that, as opposed to Mubarak, they will know how to deal with the protest and dismantle it before it even begins.

This is the Muslim Brotherhood's finest hour in Egypt and elsewhere in the Middle East, but times are not easy for those who advocate the idea of a secular nation-state.

The series of appointments and dismissals of top figures in the Egyptian military (including naming new air force and navy commanders) have so far been met with little resistance. Although a few dozen people gathered on Sunday night in front of the defense ministry to protest the removal of Defense Minister Gen. Hussein Tantawi and chief of staff Sami Enan, their rally pales in comparison to the public support of President Mohammed Morsi's latest actions – not only from the Muslim Brotherhood but also from the army's past and present top brass – and even from demonstrators who led the protests in January 2011.

The bottom line is that the president-elect did the obvious and took back the power that was forcefully expropriated by Tantawi's military council on the eve of the elections. Morsi made a bold, uncompromising move and again surprised his opponents and rivals in determining Egypt's hegemony.

Yet the enthusiasm over Morsi's steps should not be blown out of proportion. His move was hatched by the Brotherhood, intended not only to solidify the president's authority but also – and namely – to push the movement's domestic opponents out of the way. These include the forces that prevented the Muslim Brotherhood from drafting a new, more Islamic constitution.

Indeed, given the power struggles of the last few months and in light of the Brotherhood's undertakings, one can assume that in the coming weeks and months it will intensify its activity: more removals of secular newspaper editors, more Sharia-dominated legislation – not in a belligerent way, but in a trademark Brotherhood "amenity."

The message already seems to be getting through, and the printed press is full of praise for Morsi; conversely, criticism is steadily vanishing. In addition, one must remember that Brotherhood's competitor in parliament, the Salafi Al-Nour party, is expected to try to pass additional Islamic laws, making it hard for Morsi's party to oppose them.

The Muslim Brotherhood, which did not take part in the protests against Hosni Mubarak's rule, is now using the revolution to strengthen their hold in the country. Morsi is not alone in this undertaking – he is joined by colleagues such as Essam al-Arian, the head of the Muslim Brotherhood party in the Egyptian parliament, who wrote on his Twitter account on Sunday that Morsi's decision was the “second wave of the Egyptian people’s revolution.” According to al-Arian, Morsi used all of his authority to implement the demands of the revolution. “These are brave decisions,” he wrote, which thwarted the attempt at a military coup and damage the nation’s revolution.

And so, in relatively surprising speed (perhaps as a lesson learned from the conduct of Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan) the Brotherhood is moving toward a complete takeover of Egypt. It began with the movement joining the parliamentary elections while vowing not to take part in the presidential elections, continued with breaking that promise with a presidential candidate of its own and has been most evident in its attempt to draft a more Islamic constitution while ignoring the secular criticism voiced in the media. According to reports, just this morning (Monday) the state attorney's office prohibited Al-Faraeen TV owner Tawfiq Okasha and al-Dustur newspaper editor Islam Afifi from leaving the country as their trial nears. The prosecution claims that one of the reasons is that they insulted Morsi, called for people to harm him and tried to encourage a coup.

This is the Muslim Brotherhood's finest hour in Egypt and elsewhere in the Middle East, but times are not easy for those who advocate the idea of a secular nation-state.

These policies, which echo the way Hamas acted in Gaza after winning the 2006 election, are creating more and more domestic enemies for Morsi and the Brotherhood. The secular unrest in Egypt is growing, as are calls for another revolution – this time against the Islamic movement. A "million-man protest" is scheduled for August 24 against the "General Guide State" (a reference to the title of the Muslim Brotherhood's leader). Yet one can be sure that, as opposed to Mubarak, the party leaders will know how to deal with the protest and dismantle it before it even begins.