How are three writers rethinking Zionism for the 21st century?
It isn't just Israelis and Palestinians who have a stake in the Mideast conflict anymore, but everyone else too.
By The Forward and Keith Kahn-Harris Tags: Israel newsIsrael vs. UtopiaBy Joel SchalitAkashic Books, 250 pages.
The Myths of Liberal ZionismBy Yitzhak LaorVerso, 128 pages.
A Living Revolution: Anarchism in the Kibbutz MovementBy James HorroxAK Press, 167 page.
A common theme in pro-Israel discourse is that critics of Israel are "obsessed" with the Jewish state. There's certainly something to this argument: Israel seems to occupy a place in the pantheon of leftist bugbears out of all proportion to the size of the country and the (undoubted) wrongs it has committed. But obsession with Israel is not confined to the left; its defenders are equally convinced of its importance as a touchstone of moral and political rectitude. It isn't just Israelis and Palestinians who have a stake in the conflict but, seemingly, everyone else, as well. Amid the cacophony of opinions, there are no disinterested "honest brokers" anymore.
All of which makes Joel Schalit's "Israel vs. Utopia" a refreshing and clear-sighted perspective on the Israel conflict. Schalit, online editor of the journal Zeek and former editor of the magazines Tikkun and Punk Planet, does not conform to the more predictable positions on Israel. A progressive cosmopolitan - he has lived in Israel, Canada, the United States and now Italy - he does not reject his Israeli roots. He remains sympathetic and close to his father, a committed but thoughtful part of Israel's Zionist establishment. His writing refuses the polarities of Zionism/anti-Zionism and embraces a position on Israel that is critical but nonetheless understanding of the complex motivations of the protagonists in the conflict. Schalit's elegant, often digressive prose, together with his honest use of personal stories, further helps to break out of the sterile polemical style of much of the writing on Israel.
Schalit's argument in "Israel vs. Utopia" is that "the Middle East has become a metaphor for the world," where Western politics and the politics of the Middle East have become thoroughly enmeshed. Yet, Schalit also asks, "If the West has infiltrated the Middle East and vice versa, then how could Israel, one of the chief conduits for this transformation, remain something so thoroughly unknowable?" When Israel becomes a repository for the hopes and fears of people who will never live or even visit there, the multifaceted reality of the place becomes hopelessly obscured. Schalit argues that "Israel becomes a figure of speech," a lightning rod for controversy, a confused sign of something that is never clear.
As an American-Israeli citizen, Schalit is particularly concerned with Israel's relation to America and with America's relation to Israel. He does not hide his frustration that the American Jewish community's divisions over Israel - which, he argues, is becoming a kind of American Jewish "civil war" - are frequently accompanied by ignorance and lack of empathy with the people who have to live in the country. As he says, "The failure of both the Right and the Left in the Diaspora to see Israel as it actually is constitutes a subtle but pernicious form of intellectual imperialism." In assuming that Israel is dependent on support from the United States, both right and left overestimate the extent to which Israel's conflicts are reducible to American political conflicts. The situation with regard to Europe is perhaps even more dire. As Schalit shows, the distancing of Israel from Europe is a function of the troubled Jewish history on the continent in which the legacy of the Holocaust looms large.
Yitzhak Laor's "The Myths of Liberal Zionism" also takes issue with the ways in which Israel becomes fantasy; however, whereas Schalit's book is characterized by a deep empathy and humanity that seek to understand how we got into this mess, Laor, primarily a left-wing protest poet, offers an angry and uncompromising polemic. He seeks to demonstrate how liberal versions of Israeli Zionism seek to align Israel with the West and how they look for approval from the Western intelligentsia for the Zionist project. As he says, "There is something in modern-day Israeli culture that emphasizes more than ever a fantasy for Western homogeneity, side by side with a lack of will - or lack of ability - to cease to live by the sword." The liberal peace camp, while it appears to offer compromise, is, for Laor, hypocritical in its willingness to perpetuate the Zionist causes of the conflict.
Laor's main targets in his book are Amos Oz, David Grossman and A.B. Yehoshua. His argument is that while these writers are feted in Europe as courageous members of the peace camp, their work is ultimately an attempt to flatter European intellectuals' deep-seated Islamophobia. Laor is certainly right to draw attention to the less-than-progressive aspects of Oz and the others that are often ignored by their European admirers, such as Oz's support for the 2006 Lebanon War and (initially at least) for Operation Cast Lead. Ultimately, though, Laor's problem is that these writers are Zionists and for him, Zionism is unacceptable, particularly when masked as liberalism.
Putting aside the question of whether Zionism really is unsalvageable, it is grossly unfair to ignore the ways in which liberal Zionism is under sustained attack by the ever more powerful Israeli right and how it offers at least the possibility of political compromise in the Middle East. In damning Zionism in its entirety and refusing to see its diversity, Laor reproduces the fantastic quality of the European views on Israel that he condemns. His project is an entirely negative one: While he bombards readers with often sarcastic attacks on those he despises for their ideological flabbiness, he fails to articulate how a non-Zionist agenda for Israel could work in practice.
If there is a vision of Israel that can avoid the polarization and mythmaking of much Diaspora and Israeli discourse, it requires an appreciation of the complexities of Israeli society. James Horrox's "A Living Revolution: Anarchism in the Kibbutz Movement" provides a welcome reminder that Israel wasn't always seen by radicals as an outpost of Western imperialism. Horrox unearths the utopian, anarchist influences behind the growth of the kibbutz movement in pre-state Israel. Anarchism may be a highly flawed ideology, but at the very least it offered a vision of Zionism that, in not aiming to build a Jewish state, held out the possibility of a land in which Jews and Muslims could coexist peacefully. This was never likely to happen, of course, but at the very least it's important to remember that Israel didn't have to be the place that its contemporary detractors and defenders imagine it to be - and it doesn't have to be that place now.
Why Facebook Connect?
Comment on Haaretz.com articles with your Facebook login, and share your thoughts on your own wall.
- Latest
- Most Viewed
- Most Rated
- Open all
The sad reality of regarding Israel as The Jewish State is that the more than 20 per cent of the population that isn't Jewish is constantly treated as less important,less deserving of respect and funds. In some ways this is liable to become more of a problem than the occupation. The occupation will eventually end, but Arabs are part of Israel. Eventually there will have to be a civil rights movement for them, as there was with black people in America, to win real, not just theoretical, equality with Jews. Eventually The Jewish State will have to become the Israeli state for ALL Israelis, not just for Jews.
If Mr Zimmerman's views were held by the majority in power, Israel would be safer, happier and a more loved country. Please keep speaking up - Israel has been hijacked by religion and right wing ideology
"truw, returning Jews did purchase these lands during the Ottoman hegemony over the Holy Land, but the purchases themselves were illegal, made in violation of Ottoman and Muslim law," So, the Ottoman kingdom allowed Jews to purchase land against their own laws? Are you desperately trying to make this crap up as you go along, or what?
Not one country or nation on this planet has borders not defined by war or conflict. This is the course of human history, the border wars stop when people are no longer able to fight, or those inspiring disputes are no longer in power or have a platform. The problem is that the Arabs will not allow the Palestinians to equal citizenship or economic rights, an imposed discontent in order to force the Palestinians to return. This is the pawn game. It is far easier for the Palestinians to blame those leaders of a different religious or ethic orientation than their so-called brothers who are using them as pawns in an age old struggle of Islamic and Arab domination. Israel is in the midst of this madness, trying to establish a future, but constantly assaulted by propaganda and violence intended to deceive the external international community which is ignorant of the motivations to these historical struggles.
Dear SDHD, I agree with you that the Holy Land is indeed your ancestral land, but think why the Hebrew nation lost it 1,900 to 2,000 years ago. In addition, truw, returning Jews did purchase these lands during the Ottoman hegemony over the Holy Land, but the purchases themselves were illegal, made in violation of Ottoman and Muslim law, with the chicanery of some currupt Arab effendi eager to get their hands on so-called "Hebrew gold". I stand by my position that the state called Israel is illegitimate and that the purchases Jews made during the late 19th and early 20th centuries themselves were illicit.
If there is to be a "new Zionism" it will have to more like the original version. The first, and truest Zionists were Socialists. They saw the need for a national home for the Jewish people living in peace alongside an population. The were not colonialists and they were not politicians with dreams of grandeur. All claims to the land because 80 generations ago our great-great, etc, grand mothers lived here are, at the best, week excuses for self-interested colonial activity. We are here because the original Jewish immigrates were no more prescient than any other surprised to-be colonialists. We needed a home and found a home gratefully shared with the people who have occupied the land for generations. There is a choice, the continued fight, until Zionism is only another term for racism, or to ask for forgiveness from the Palestinians who have suffered because of our needs; we are not going to leave, either are they.
What Zionism suffers from most is the poison of imbeciles who focus on Israel more than they do any other country and dump their bile upon it. People like graczek are a good example. Start listing all the other countries you believe are, "illegitimate," graczek. Or is the place where Jews were able to LEGITMATELY purchase their ancestral land from the Ottomans the only one you can think of? Or, perhaps, it's the only one you obsess about.
In Post #2, EZ is quite correct when he says that Israel (so-called) is different from any other nation. Just for openers, it exists illegitimately, and has since its inception. In addition, it is the focal source of geopolitical and theological infection in the Middle East and perhaps in the world; without Israel's existence the world would enjoy substantially lower degree of tension. The most logical way to rethink Zionism is to find ways to bring it to an end in the most humane way possible.
EZ, as Israel moves along its own path, it cannot be the path of exclusiveness, as it's been in the past. The country and it's government must start to look at its place in the world among other modern and developed nations. Israel also must re-think of itself as part of a region of different countries, even if most of them are muslim and past enemies in war. The regional bond, with neighboring countries, is the 21st Century approach (both diplomatically and economically) to many international and political problems. Israel is a great country; it's capable of making this change. Exclusiveness will not work in the long run.
Is any person or nation "completely different from any other?" The mother of a friend of mine used to say "Darling you're unique just like everyone else." Whenever we embrace the notion of complete uniqueness re people and places or cultures and religions we usually blind and deafen ourselves to those images and voices which point to and even echo profound truths. What is worse we tend to dismiss any viewpoint or value outside of our own .
The bottom line is how to clearly and without apology, define Zionism and to defer to intellect the right course of action in finally articulating the Jewish/Israeli identity. That requires cohesivity and a banding together of the poles of Israeli society. If all Israelis raised a child in the US, they'd see the importance of preserving the Jewish, religious heritage. If the liberals experienced the homogeny of their cultural roots and the ensuing attacks on it, perhaps they'd see more clearly. Homogeny is appealing in a purile, immature way: we want lots of 'things' and no one around to tell us what to do (the western idea of a good life). But in the end, are Americans and westerners happier? Not by a long shot. Israel MUST CLEARLY define its final identity without apology and pursue its course unabated. Israel is completely DIFFERRENT that any other nation and needs to accept that. Regardless of its complexity and complicated issues, it MUST move forward.
Being a "touchstone of moral and political rectitude" may have been the vision, but the reality has been shaped by an occupation, zealotry and a failure to develop lasting, secure relationships with neighboring Arabs. The zealotry combined with the occupation have blinded Israel's current form of Zionism to the realities of a world of diversity and compromise. Although many Jews are righteous about their faith in an Israel that always takes the higher ground, others have seen an Israel propagating something less than their Judaic heritage. Ambitions have generated security fears which in turn have established a society that has repressive characteristics for some peoples. The very Jews that have been in the forefront of advocacy of freedoms and social justice are offended by what Zionism has become in Israel. It is not too late for peace, but it requires new, courageous leadership without being blinded by zealotry.
...from this interesting article. The American Jews are having a "civil war" in their relationship to Israel, "accompanied by ignorance and lack of empathy with the people who acutally live in country." What a damning statement, but Americans-- Jewish or not-- really don't have empathy or understanding of any other country..that's Americans' way intentionally obtuse to others in the world. I also learned how loaded the term Zionist is; so many meanings..and too much expectations Most importantly, it's the 21st century..time for Israel to look forward without the "garbage" of past. The government in Israel needs to become adaptable to the new threats (Iran) and how to live in their region. It's time for big decisions and big actions. Great Politicians, who are remembered in History are those who can morph themselves and their positions to accomplish big things. I have never seen this quality in Netanyahu. Bibi surprize me...act like a statesman!
The story of Zionist Israel is Jewish immigrants from abroad, with tenuous links to the area and a foreign cultue, constantly receiving preference over the local non-Jewish population. At the time of the founding Of Israel with Jews stuck in refugee camps everywhere there may have been some logic to that, but today Jews aren't in need or on danger anywhere particularly. There is no moral logic in dragging an American or European Jew from their wealthy multi-culural societis and stealing land from Arabs to house them. Israel aims to be a western democracy and it needs to change its immigration laws to reflect that. That will still mean plenty of Jewish imigrants coming to live with family etc. but it will also mean Arab and Muslim and non-Jewish immigrants getting equal treatment. It would not destroy the Jewish charatcter of Israel, but it would be a huge sign that Israel was maturing and turning away from its ethnocratic instincts towards being a true Western democracy.