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Jerusalem & Babylon / Critical dialogue
By Anshel Pfeffer
Tags: Israel, Diaspora

It was a conference that checked off all the boxes, 120 participants from all four corners of the Jewish world, from as far afield as Cuba; all in their twenties and thirties, not the usual crusty customers from the old organizations but rather leading sexy new projects of their own. The Global Summit for Young Jewish Innovators held last week in Jerusalem was the dream of all those who worry about Jewish continuity, proof that they are out there, those representatives of the younger generation who are committed to their identity. But despite the full and challenging program and the networking opportunities offered by the organizers from the Center for Leadership Initiatives, not everyone there was satisfied.

"There was an opening ceremony at Mount Herzl, with a senior official from the Jewish Agency," says Tal Shahar, one participant, "and some of us felt this wasn't for us, we didn't come for some Zionist jamboree."

One attendee contacted the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions, a radical left-wing Palestinian human rights group, and organized a field trip to the separation fence at Beit Hanina, in northern Jerusalem. Seventeen conference participants went along. The minibus was packed, and some of those who wanted to go had to stay behind. Later, at one of the workshops, there was a lively debate over what they had seen. To the conference organizers' credit they didn't try to block the initiative; it was even announced as an optional part of the schedule. When contacted this week, they said that the conference had no political orientation and the participants were free to use their spare time as they saw fit.
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This isn't the first time that those organizing similar events in Israel have had to deal with such dilemmas. Four years ago Haaretz reporter Daphna Berman revealed that Jewish volunteers for the pro -Palestinian International Solidarity Movement (ISM) were using the Taglit-Birthright program as a convenient way of getting to Israel for free and from there to reach the towns and refugee camps of the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Birthright, which has the express intent not only of fostering Jewish identity but also of strengthening the participants' identification with Israel and the Zionist ideal, tried to stop this by screening out applicants with the "wrong" tendencies. Perhaps a more flexible attitude, such as that shown by the Center for Leadership Initiatives, could have broadened the project's appeal.

Hundreds of thousands of college students in North America, the vast majority of whom are unaffiliated with any Jewish community or organization, are the holy grail of the Jewish establishment. Programs such as Birthright and, to a lesser extent, the Jewish Agency's MASA, have made inroads, but still reach only a minority of these students. Why are students turning down a free trip? Could it be that the Zionist aspect of these programs puts some of them off? If so, should the participants nevertheless be welcome in the Jewish homeland?

Prime Minister Ehud Olmert finally announced his "paradigm shift" towards the Diaspora this week. It consists mainly of a new partnership with the Jewish Agency and a boost for Jewish and Zionist education in communities around the world. Coupling these two themes might seem the natural thing for the Israeli government to do. Why should the Zionist state be interested in those Jews who don't see it as the culmination of the nation's aspirations, unless in an attempt to convince them of their error? But Israel already subsidizes one main non-Zionist group to the tune of billions of shekels annually, the ultra-Orthodox education system.

It could be argued of course that this money goes to Israeli citizens, who have a right to an education according to their beliefs, but the state-funded Haredi yeshivot and seminars also serve tens of thousands of students from abroad. The Haredim don't need Zionism for their connection with the Holy Land, but thanks to the power of the non-Zionist, ultra-Orthodox parties, taxpayers' money has gone a long way to bolster that contact. The left-wing, secular non-Zionists have no such political clout.

Some would instinctively say that if Jews don't like Israel or believe that the Palestinians were dispossessed by its foundation, then the state really doesn't have any interest in them. This was the belief that lead to the decision last month to deny anti-Zionist historian Norman Finkelstein entry to the country, despite the fact that he is eligible for automatic citizenship under the Law of Return. A real Zionist democracy shouldn't be beset with such a feeling of insecurity. The lively debate within Israel on the injustice and disadvantages of prolonging the occupation is to a large extent absent from the state's conversation with Jews overseas. But many Jews, Zionist and otherwise, believe they also have a stake in this issue. Engaging them in it might bring a whole new group of young Jews into dialogue, even if it is a critical one.

anshel@haaretz.co.il

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