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Talansky's contribution
By Haaretz Editorial
Tags: morris talansky, ehud olmert 

Ehud Barak did not flee, and apparently he has managed to put in motion the inevitable process of replacing Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, by pushing to have a date set when primary elections will be held within Olmert's party, Kadima.

There is no telling what will happen after Olmert leaves: whether a stable government will be established, and whether the candidate elected by Kadima will be able to form the same coalition and run the country. Ultimately, however, a solution has been reached, one that does not involve a compromise on what really matters. Labor and Kadima have agreed that the prime minister, who is suspected of serious bribery offenses, will be replaced within three months.

This may be the beginning of a new era in Israel's attitude toward corruption among public officials. The politicians who considered the investigation against Olmert a mere trifle were silenced, and the voices of those who believed he could no longer lead the country grew louder.
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It seems, or at least there is room to hope, that there is now a far less lenient view of politicians who accept improper benefits, gifts, preferential treatment or upgraded hotel rooms, or who make personal use of money offered by the world's richest people, who are willing to pay in order to rub shoulders with those in power.

Perhaps this week new norms have been set, without relying solely on the law's requirements or on the opinions of the attorney-general. Before the relevant charges were spelled out in an indictment, and even before it has been determined that bribery indeed took place, the two ruling parties dissociated themselves from the prime minister and his lifestyle, as described in the testimony of Morris Talansky. What was said in that testimony was enough to make Olmert agree to a shortened term, and all requests to draw matters out until the cross-examination or the end of the investigation have been rejected. The political system chose to operate in the normative arena, without waiting for decisions to be made in the legal one.

For years there have been claims that Israeli law-enforcement officials persecute politicians, paralyze the political system and undermine the stability of the governing bodies. This nonsense was heard so often that the Knesset was almost tempted to pass a law granting prime ministers immunity from investigation for the duration of their term in office.

Professor Daniel Friedmann was given the job of justice minister so that he would impose a new order and discourage investigators, prosecutors and judges. The Olmert case has proved that when the political system functions as it should, the stability of rule is not necessarily damaged, even when the stables must be cleaned out.

Olmert did not invent the corruption, but it is his misfortune to be prime minister just when it was decided to stop treating such phenomena as a decree of fate. The law has always been clear and sharp on the matter, but the atmosphere was more forgiving toward the hedonism of the powerful. The public came to believe that all politicians were corrupt to some degree, until it seemed that replacing one prime minister with another was of no consequence, since the latter would presumably also be caught doing wrong.

If Talansky's testimony caused a collective sense of shame, and if in its wake Olmert's leadership became untenable - then, perhaps, this indicates a change in direction.
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