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'We have no ray of light'
By Amos Harel and Jack Khouri
Tags: Gilad Shalit

Up until two years ago, when his son Gilad's abduction trapped him and his family in an ongoing nightmare and in effect forced him to constantly be at the center of the public's focus, Noam Shalit was just an ordinary engineer at Iscar in the Galilee. Since the abduction, his bosses at Iscar have been very considerate, and Shalit is able to devote most of his time to the enormous effort to free his son.

"They gave me a separate room with a telephone, which is something that is usually reserved for senior managers, because we work in an open-space plan," he says. From the window, he can see the heliport at Tefen: "Sometimes I sit and look out at the heliport below and watch a helicopter landing. And then I start fantasizing: Maybe a helicopter will land here and bring Gilad home? If he returns from Gaza, he won't arrive on a plane at Ben-Gurion airport. Maybe he'll come from Cairo?"

For some time now, the Shalit family has been planning to step up the public effort to get their son released, with the second anniversary of the abduction fast approaching (it falls next Wednesday, June 25). During recent weeks, based on promises he received from Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and Defense Minister Ehud Barak, Noam Shalit was inclined to believe that the tahadiyeh (cease-fire) would include significant progress in the efforts to free his son - only to discover now that these were nothing more than general statements. And in the background, by coincidence, it appears that a breakthrough is imminent in the parallel channel, in the negotiations with Hezbollah for the return of the abducted Israel Defense Forces reservists Eldad Regev and Ehud Goldwasser.
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As he wages his public struggle, Noam Shalit acts like a one-man war room. The support he receives at home is absolute, but his wife, Aviva, seldom grants interviews. Gilad's brother and sister - Yoel, a college student, and Hadas, a 12th-grader about to embark on a year of national service before enlisting in the army - also prefer to keep their distance from the media. Shalit travels to Tel Aviv by train and, once in the city, he either hitches rides or uses cabs to get around. He carries with him a simple datebook in which he keeps telephone numbers, and a mobile phone with an earpiece. Every few minutes he gets another call: Yes, he will make it to a meeting in Jerusalem with French President Nicolas Sarkozy. No, he does not know if the event is open to the media. No, he is not planning on staying there afterward for a cocktail reception. "We're not cocktail-party people."

Two days ago, Shalit came to Tel Aviv for an urgent consultation with his lawyers. He had told Olmert at their last meeting, on June 2, that he was about to take off the gloves. This past Wednesday, less than 24 hours before the tahadiyeh was to go into effect, he was especially nervous. By the afternoon, no one from the defense establishment or the political echelon had called to update the Shalit family on developments. "From what I hear, there is a cease-fire agreement," Noam Shalit said. "I have no official information, except for the promises I received in the past that Gilad would be part of the agreement. This is also what was decided by the cabinet. I understood that there would be no agreement unless this issue was resolved. It is supposed to be something concrete, not an election promise. I didn't think I would have to keep records of my meetings with the prime minister.

"No one picks up the phone to keep me informed. In a banana republic this wouldn't be surprising. In the State of Israel, it's astonishing. I am not opposed to a tahadiyeh. I'm opposed to us dumping all our assets and our leverage. Why are they opening the crossings to the Gaza Strip? Even now trucks are coming into Gaza and bringing them all kinds of stuff. I hear that they also want cakes and cookies."

Despite the harshness of the accusations, Shalit does not raise his voice. His slightly pale face, which has become a regular fixture on the front pages, is occasionally graced with an ironic half-smile. He's already heard all the questions and uttered all the answers. Sometimes his attention span seems a little short.

"Why am I going to the public? Because I have no one else to turn to. That's why I need the media. I know that the politicians are influenced by it. Up to now I've been cautious, so as not to mess anything up. I haven't spoken bluntly, so as not to disturb the contacts, God forbid. We were afraid that doing so would raise the price Hamas was demanding. We didn't give the government 100 days of grace. We gave it 730. Gilad was not kidnapped to the mountains of Tora Bora. He was kidnapped and is being held at a distance of a half-hour's walk, give or take, from the border of Israel. The State of Israel, with all its technology and special units and resources and means and international standing, is unable to bring back an abducted soldier. After two years, it's a disgrace.

"Gilad is in the same cellar he was in on June 25, 2006. Or maybe in the meantime they've moved him to another cellar. I told the prime minister at the end of 2007 that I wouldn't hold back forever. At our last meeting, I said: 'I'll go to the public and it will judge.' He said: 'Do what you know how to do. You've already come out against me in the media.' Olmert was insulted that I once said that the release of the abducted soldiers was no real estate deal. He thought I was hinting at the investigations against him. What I'm arguing is that this leader said that this was his 'place of work,' that Gilad's release was his job. He has been working for two years without achieving results. So now I'm going to the boss, the public, and telling him: There are no results. You decide if this is acceptable to you.

"Olmert called a few times. There were also times that I left a message with his office and no one got back to me. Maybe he doesn't care because he's not expecting to be reelected? Ehud Barak wasn't in his position when the abduction occurred. He calls once in a while to wish us a happy holiday. We haven't gotten much from him aside from a little empathy. I can't say that anyone is tormented over our suffering."

'A second Ron Arad'

Former prime minister Ariel Sharon's adviser, attorney Dov Weissglas, told Shalit a story that left a profound impression on him: "Sharon was meeting at the ranch with all the consultants. Everyone told him: You mustn't touch this matter [efforts to bring about the release of alleged Israeli drug dealer Elhanan Tennenbaum]. He pounded the table and said: I will not leave an Israeli with these people, with these animals. Sharon also told them about the battle of Latrun [in the War of Independence], how they returned to the field and found bodies and body parts and he said to the advisers: Only someone who has been through this experience can understand me."

At one of his meetings with the prime minister, says Shalit, "Olmert claimed that he had no contract that obligates him to free any citizen from captivity. Olmert was referring to Gilad, who is a soldier. This is unacceptable to me, and I don't think it's acceptable to anyone in the country. It's a pathetic comment from a politician, from a lawyer. At best, it's unwarranted. At worst, it comes from a man who didn't fight himself, who was never on the other side of enemy lines or in danger of falling into captivity. I hear the talk of soldiers in the regular army and of their parents, who are worried by what's happening with Gilad. On the one hand, we're seeing a steady increase in draft dodging. On the other hand, there are soldiers who were captured after they willingly went into combat service, and the state isn't bringing them back. Parents who send their children [to fight] need to know that the state has a moral obligation."

Shalit fears that his son will become "a second Ron Arad. It's a very real threat. Time is of the essence. With Arad, too, there was someone to talk to, until one day there was an interest to sell him and he disappeared. The last of Ron's letters to his family, 20 years ago, is always echoing in my head. Ron wrote to them: 'Act as if there's no time.'"

What's holding Olmert back in approving the deal? "I presume that it's above all the stance taken by the Shin Bet security service, which warns against releasing killers. But I'm also aware of the opinion of some, who are willing to release prisoners abroad or to Gaza. It's been done in the past, with the gunmen who barricaded themselves in the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem in 2002. People tell me that they'll return to the cycle of terror, but I say that our system needs to ensure that they don't."

The Prime Minister's Bureau issued the following response: "We respect the Shalit family and its actions. We have no desire or intention to get into a public confrontation on this matter." Some of the people who speak with Olmert maintain that the prime minister has a powerful desire "to make things right" - to return the abductees, to bring home the soldiers who were abducted on his watch, before he vacates his position. The question is how much pressure he can exert on his ministerial colleagues, given his present political standing. For now, it appears that public opinion is with the Shalit family. But once the names of the killers whom Hamas seeks to have released are published, a stormy public debate will ensue. Parents who lost children in suicide bombings will stage vocal protests.

"The hardest thing is to respond to the arguments of those who were wounded in terror attacks," sighs a cabinet minister. "They come to these meetings without their prostheses on, so everyone can see their amputations." Defense Minister Barak appears to have staked out a rather original position on the matter. He believes that the rules for conducting negotiations regarding abductees should be redefined, perhaps to be more in line with the British-American position, which holds that there should be no negotiations with terror organizations. But, he says, this change should occur only once Shalit is returned from captivity, even at a heavy price.

'May their nightmare end'

While Noam Shalit was being interviewed by Haaretz, his friends from the North, the Goldwasser and Regev families, were at army headquarters, in the Kirya in Tel Aviv, receiving a dramatic update from Ofer Dekel, the special coordinator for missing soldiers. If the reports can be believed, the Northern abduction saga is about to end. Shalit: "I'm happy for them. This terrible uncertainty, which is worse than ours, I hope it will be over soon. There is no competition between the channels. We've gone through the entire time with them. Amen, amen, irrespective of Gilad, may their nightmare end, and ours, too."

Less than two weeks ago, the Shalit family received another letter from Gilad. Former U.S. president Jimmy Carter relayed the letter in the wake of his meeting with Khaled Meshal, the head of Hamas' political bureau in Damascus. Noam Shalit declined to make the contents of the letter public. He says the letter shows "Gilad's distress. The kidnappers did not censor that. He expresses concern in the letter about what we're going through. It torments him. The letter looks authentic, it's in his handwriting. You have to take into account that he was abducted as a very young man, just 11 months after he finished high school. Of course he wasn't prepared for this kind of situation. He wasn't given any training for it, no 'captivity drill,' like those a pilot receives. We are asked - How is he coping? We don't know. We have no idea." Shalit notes that more than a month passed from the time Meshal made his promise to Carter until the letter arrived. "This indicates that his influence on the kidnappers is also limited. It's not enough for him to just issue a directive."

During the past two years, the Shalit family has met with several former captives, in an effort to understand what their son is experiencing in captivity. "We're worried about Gilad. It's an ongoing nightmare. We have no ray of light, nothing to hold onto. I know he's alive, but that doesn't bring us closer to ending this thing. My biggest fear is that Gilad won't come back. I've told Olmert many times: We'll still have to bargain with Hamas for a body, for bones."

On Wednesday night, Shalit sent a letter - via his attorneys, Ariel Bendor, Eldad Yaniv and Sharon Stein - to the prime minister, the defense minister and the foreign minister. In it, he accuses the government of breaking its pledge and calls for the lifting of the economic blockade of Gaza to be postponed. Shalit is threatening to petition the High Court of Justice. He has no illusions that he'll win the appeal, but he believes that it would at least have some impact on the public. "Maybe the justices will issue an order and the government will have to explain its moves. I'm not damaged by this activity. I'm doing it willingly, without making any sacrifice. I'm worried about how Gilad is coping, not about myself. The fact that he's been isolated from the outside world for two years. They haven't even given him the glasses we sent, contrary to what was reported. It's been two years and he hasn't heard a word from us. He hasn't received a single note from home. The glasses aren't critical. He needs them for driving and for watching movies, which are two things I'm sure he's not doing there. Gilad hasn't seen anyone from the outside since he was captured, not even an Egyptian doctor to examine him."

How is it possible to explain what a family that's waiting for news for two years is going through? "We're not suffering physically. I'm sitting here with you in a Tel Aviv cafe. We're eating. There's music. But what is he going through, my young boy, who was less than 20 years old when he was abducted?" In the background, the singer on the radio is singing something about a ray of sun that needs to be brought from the sky.
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