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Fear and loathing in Beitar Illit
By Tamar Rotem
Tags: Beitar Illit

For two weeks now, the streets of Haredi (ultra-Orthodox) Beitar Illit have been rife with tension. Bulletins have been posted throughout the city, denouncing problematic youths and sowing panic. Residents have taken to the streets to demand that the troublemakers be expelled from the city, riots have erupted and rumors have spread.

It is difficult to tell whether these demonstrations were organized by supporters of the ousted former mayor, Yitzhak Pindros, who is supported by the Hasidic Ashkenazim (that is, Jews of Eastern European origin). People are wondering whether the unrest was planned as a provocation, or whether it is a spontaneous reaction to various incidences of violence perpetrated by the shababnikim (disaffected ultra-Orthodox youth, who are religious, but relatively more worldly than other Haredi teens). This latter explanation is the one put forward by supporters of the elected mayor, Meir Rubinstein, who is backed by Shas and an additional Sephardic (i.e., Jews of Middle Eastern descent) faction.

The problem of youth at risk has been a recurring one in Beitar Illit, located west of the Etzion Bloc. Statistics indicate that the numbers of troubled youth increase as the city expands. The local municipality estimates that there are between 60 and 70 high-schoolers who are not enrolled in any educational framework. Motti Pindros, brother of the outgoing mayor, also runs a local youth club. According to him, the actual number of at-risk youth is higher: Some 30 kids make up the "hard core" of problematic teens, while about 70 others tag along. Residents, for their part, say that until recently - or, to be more exact, up until the recent municipal elections - the problem was under control and adequately handled by the welfare services. In recent months, one resident said: "The shababnikim are emerging."
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Locals point to the wave of burglaries in the city, kids smoking in public on Shabbat, and - apparently the height of audacity - one of the youngsters actually took a stroll through the streets with a dog. According to the best-case scenario, the breed in question was a Chihuahua; the doomsayers claim it was a huge bulldog. Later, the troublemakers even brought a horse into the city, residents say. Rumor has it that the police seized the horse because it was not properly vaccinated. But that didn't stop the shababnikim: They obtained the requisite shots and brought the horse back. But the dog was truly provocative, since the fear Haredim have of canines dwarfs even their fear of the shababnikim. When these two forms of trepidation merge, "it seems like the hatred genie is out of the bottle," according to one official who deals with the youths.

As if that weren't enough, a rumor of a pedophile on the loose has only added to the hysteria that has gripped the city in recent weeks. Some heard that little girls were raped, prompting parents to keep their children at home and warn them not to speak to strangers. Meanwhile, municipal authorities have not heard anything about such a predator.

The head of the Israel Police's Hebron district, Commander Avshalom Peled, acknowledges the recent increase in violence and says arrests have been made, though mostly in connection with minor altercations and disturbances. With regard to the pedophile, Hebron police say they have received only one complaint of a man assaulting a young girl. They also claim there have been no reports of a horse in Beitar Illit.

The story of the dog and the resulting panic caused by the shababnikim was a recurring theme in the municipal election campaign held some six months ago. The newly elected mayor, Rubinstein, a protege of MK Meir Porush (United Torah Judaism), received backing from Shas and the Tov faction, whose aim was to reduce the authority of the housing committee - an anonymous body that determines who can buy an apartment in the city. The committee had tried to root out the Sephardim (Jews originating in Middle Eastern and North African countries), particularly those families to which the shababnikim belong.

Shas and Tov, political factions that have long served as a platform for Sephardic citizens, who often complain of disenfranchisement and discrimination, were not interested in weakening the housing committee, and sought instead to broaden its representation and to have it institute transparency measures.

The Boyan Hasidic sect, the most dominant in Beitar Illit, which supported Pindros in the previous municipal elections, published a bulletin just prior to the elections, showing a picture of a shababnik walking a dog, while a terrified Haredi stands in front of him, holding his son protectively. The dog's most recent appearance on the city streets in effect proved that the bulletin's "prophecy of doom" was realized.

The city's leading Hasidic groups, including the Boyan and the Karlin sects, aim to "homogenize" the community in accordance with their image. They blame the escalating violence in the town on lax law enforcement, which does not crack down on shababnik violence. They note they are no longer in touch with the private security company whose services the municipality procured during the previous administration. The street patrols struck fear into the hearts of the recalcitrant youth. Others blame the weakening of the welfare system under the municipality's new leadership.

Shabbat riots

Just before Shabbat some three weeks ago, notices were put up, announcing an emergency rally against the shababnikim. After a prayer service in one of the town's main synagogues, identified with the Hasidic community, the worshipers gathered for a procession on one of the main streets, singing songs welcoming the Sabbath. Just before the crowd dispersed, they encountered a group of youths. After an unpleasant exchange of words, a riot ensued. Some of the worshipers and passersby claim they were beaten. Two youths were arrested.

Another demonstration took place two weeks ago in the town's main junction. Bitter accusations were traded between supporters of the current mayor and the opposition, which backs his predecessor. Notices were put up, with each side denouncing the other. Meir Hirshman, publisher of the Haredi newspaper Bakehila, which is affiliated with the Hasidic movement and openly backed the previous mayor, became the target of vicious personal attacks after he appeared on the Kol Haredi radio station and accused the incumbent mayor of failing to adequately address the out-of-control youth. During an interview with Haaretz, he sounded restrained, and preferred to discuss the city's population growth and ways in which to solve the problem of youth violence.

According to official municipal figures, Beitar Illit's current population numbers some 38,800, 63 percent of whom are minors. In this small city, however, there is no alternative educational framework for youngsters who do not find their place in the Haredi system. There are no professional learning tracks, no sports, no facilities. Motti Pindros, who has run the youth program aimed at discouraging kids from dropping out of school for five consecutive years, says the municipality is intentionally withholding funds budgeted for his program, which translates into violence on the streets. "Nowadays, we do not have any control over the street or over the youths," he says.

Municipal officials reject this claim, saying they have opened a number of other youth centers that offer pre-Shabbat celebrations, attended by most of the city's teens.

The youth club on the city's outskirts features a large room lined with religious books and desks. Two backgammon boards sit on one desk. On one recent day, not a single teenager was studying here. However, in an upstairs room, hidden from view, some 10 youths were standing around a billiard table and a paintball machine. Two easy-going yeshiva students were with them.

"The Ashkenazim are harassing us," one of the youths said in reference to the recent events. "They don't want Sephardim in the city." Asked what they do once they leave the youth club, they say they are bored. Sometimes they play soccer in the schoolyard.

"At first they threw us out, but later they agreed that we could play until around 6 or 7 o'clock," one of the youths said. His friend interjected, saying that the principal changed his mind and decided not to allow them to play after all.

Pindros says there is another, city-owned soccer field that is designated for the teens (in principle, yeshiva students are not supposed to play soccer). However, the director of the municipal youth department, Pinchas Cohen, would not allow the youngsters to use that field, because they are not enrolled in any educational institution and because they do not abide by the Haredi dress code. Contrary to the standard black pants and white shirt, these youths wear colorful clothing.

The municipality said in response that there are a total of five schools with soccer fields, but that the schools decide who can use these facilities.

According to Pindros, a lot of resentment is directed at the shababnikim, who respond with violence. "I do not justify vandalism," he said. "But there are residents who think shababnikim 'eat Hasidim for breakfast,' and this is not true. These are poor children. They were abandoned, life has not been kind to them."

In the past, he explained, the shababnikim felt a greater sense of belonging. "If a boy was smoking, I would approach him and he would put out the cigarette. They would respect us."

Paying the Ashkenazim back

An old granary near a candy store, located at a busy intersection, passes for the town square. This is where all the action takes place, according to the shababnikim. A group of Hasidic kids with earlocks stand on the sidewalk, waiting for a ride home. Next to them are the shababnikim, who walk around in tank tops, wearing small skullcaps. Until not long ago, an ice-cream stand stood here, but it was closed due to pressure from the rabbis.

"This is a small town. There's nowhere to go," explained A., an attractive young girl wearing a head covering and pushing a baby stroller along the main street. "In Jerusalem, there's Zion Square. Where can they go here? It's a good thing there's someone who pays the Ashkenazim back. It's obvious that everything that happens here is ethnically motivated. The Ashkenazim don't want us in the town. I was born in this town, but I'm Sephardic. They don't give me or my parents the permit we need to buy an apartment, just because we are not Hasidim."

After widespread criticism, the housing board's activities have been frozen. New criteria have yet to be determined. For now, real estate deals in the city are at a standstill.

"All in all, these are poor children," A. said of the shababnikim. "It's not their fault that the situation is the way it is. They grew up in rough homes, and they didn't manage in school. In this town they simply hate them and want to get rid of them."

A. said she herself was considered problematic at the Bais Yaakov school where she studied. "Nobody understood me in school," she added. "I didn't like studying. It was hard for me." She got married and "straightened herself out," as she puts it. She now has a few small children and, together with her husband, runs a business in town.

Out of the blue a shababnik appears, wearing several chains around his neck. He loudly proclaims himself to be the youths' leader, demanding that I do not approaching them. He says he has a few video tapes showing instances of violence against the youths, and asked that we meet in private.

Later, he phoned, more subdued and calmer. He said he isn't interested in blaspheming God, that he is Haredi and that it is important that his statements not be published. It seemed as if someone tried to keep him quiet.

Mayor Meir Rubinstein said that most youths participate in the Shabbat celebrations held at several venues throughout the town, and added that the shababnik group has recently signed an agreement with the rabbis promising calm, but not everyone is a party to the deal.

The mayor also added that he consulted with senior police officers in the hopes of working out a strategy to better enforce the law vis-a-vis criminal elements. The main problem, he suggested, is that in Jerusalem and Bnei Brak, the youths have somewhere to go on the night of the Sabbath. In Beitar Illit, they just hang around.
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