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Romancing Europe By Claude Kandiyoti In October 2007, toward the end of Ehud Olmert's first visit to France as prime minister, Jean-David Levitte, Nicolas Sarkozy's national security advisor, told a member of the Israeli delegation: "The president not only understands, but shares Israel's concerns. Your security is a priority for us. Let us know what we can do to help." The Israeli couldn't believe his ears. Only a couple of years ago, top Israeli officials were personae non gratae in Paris, and in many other European capitals. But Sarkozy is not an isolated phenomenon; a similar openness can be discerned among Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany, and Prime Ministers Donald Tusk of Poland and Silvio Berlusconi of Italy, to name a few. Indeed, 2007 saw the resumption of a new romance, after four long tense decades. Whatever the reasons - Islamist terrorism, Hamas' violent takeover of Gaza, the Iranian nuclear threat, most likely a combination of these - Europe is more open than ever to Israel, while the Jewish state seems to have internalized the need to cultivate strong ties with Europe. As a matter of fact, there has never been so much talk in Israel about Europe. In a recent opinion poll, an amazing 75 percent of Israelis proclaimed their wish to see Israel become a full member of the EU. Advertisement Quieter are the voices from Israel calling Europe a land forever to be saddled by anti-Semitism. Not that Europe is entirely free of anti-Semitism, but the "new Judeophobia," as the scholar Pierre-Andre Taguieff calls it, has little to do with the good old anti-Semitism of yore, and much of it is focused on Israel. To put it bluntly, if a few decades ago the existence of the Jewish state offered a sense of security to the Jewish world, today that very existence is a source of insecurity. Also less vocal are Israeli pronouncements about European biases on the Israeli-Arab conflict. Israelis understand better the potential of a closer relationship with what is, after all, their immediate hinterland. And they show readiness to allow Europe to play a role in the region. Indeed, in the wake of the 2006 Second Lebanon War, Israel manifested an unprecedented interest in Europe's political and military involvement. However, there is still no coherent Israeli policy based on this new set of perceptions. This is highly problematic. Admittedly, the EU is still at pains to define a common European foreign policy. But Europe will not remain forever an economic giant with diplomatic and military feet of clay. One way or another, Europe will necessarily be part of multilateral solutions for Israel and its regional challenges. Better to welcome this and be prepared for it. How? Lobbying governments and European institutions in Brussels are not enough. Benevolent leaders are one thing, public opinion quite another, as recent polls show. Israel must change its deplorable image among the European rank and file, and invest time and effort with national parliaments and opinion makers. Instead of closing down consulates, Israel should be opening up new ones throughout the continent. The challenge is to change the current perception of Europeans, who tend only to see Israel through the ugly prism of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the occupation of Palestinian land. In short, it must fight to win European hearts and minds. Such an effort would call at least for the same type of human and financial investment that Israel has made for decades in the United States. This is especially critical, since, as America's status as the lone superpower diminishes, Israel's focus on relations with the U.S. becomes highly risky. The time has come for Israel to acknowledge that the old-fashioned hasbara (public relations) is as much use as a poultice on a wooden leg: There is no way of successfully advertising a bad, impotent policy. It could take a lesson from private initiatives. Here in Brussels, for example, the European Friends of Israel work directly vis-a-vis members of the European parliament. But no strategy would be more efficient than if Israel invests itself directly. One way of improving its image could be by exporting the dynamism of its society, the amazing achievements of its economy, and, above all, its vibrant culture. In spite of a few discordant voices, Israeli writers were celebrated in recent months at both the Paris and Turin book fairs by the public and the press like never before. Why shouldn't Israel start to brand its cultural assets, the same way Great Britain, France, Germany and Italy do through the British Council, Alliance Francaise, Goethe Institut and Dante Institute, respectively? One can only dream of what Israeli cultural centers of this kind would do for the export of Israeli art, literature and language, including the richness of Israeli Arab culture, an integral part of Israel multiculturalism too often forgotten. Of course, all of this costs money. But if you look at such a strategy as a national security interest, its economic logic becomes more obvious than many other, less useful expenses in the name of security. And, to be sure, the Jewish people will be there to help. Claude Kandiyoti, a founding member of the Kol Dor organization, is currently an editor of Contact J, a monthly of the Belgian Jewish Community. Bookmark to del.icio.us   Say what you want French court: Claim that Al-Dura tape doctored isn`t libelous. Peace in our time Olmert: Peace talks with Syria are a 'national duty'.

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