Subscribe to Print Edition | Fri., May 23, 2008 Iyyar 18, 5768 | | Israel Time: 03:29 (EST+7)
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Too many question marks
By Amos Harel
Tags: Ehud Olmert, peace process 

Prime Minister Ehud Olmert is entering negotiations on the Golan Heights backed with the kind of support from all senior figures in the defense establishment that his predecessors never had. From Defense Minister Ehud Barak on down - with the exception of Mossad chief Meir Dagan - it seems that there is broad support even for a complete withdrawal from the heights.

However, this advantage is canceled out by the current public standing of the prime minister. As he embarks on public talks with Syria the level of the public's trust in him and his motives is frighteningly low.

Olmert's predecessors also turned to peace talks or to unilateral withdrawals under less than auspicious domestic political conditions. Ehud Barak went to the Taba talks with the Palestinians in January 2001 as his coalition government was disintegrating; some of those who represented him at the talks said his was a "wholesale" approach.
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Ariel Sharon, who announced the disengagement in the winter of 2005, was accused of trying to avoid being indicted in a corruption case - and his enemies coined the phrase "the extent of the withdrawal reflects the extent of the investigation."

Olmert has both a low approval rating and legal troubles; coincidentally or not the investigation against him is peaking just as news of negotiations with Syria is officially acknowledged. Under such circumstances, he will find it very difficult to convince the Israeli public of the purity of his intentions.

This is a key issue, because a final arrangement with the Syrians will be much easier to resolve than with the Palestinians. The conditions for the deal, as well as the cost, have been known since 1994 when prime minister Yitzhak Rabin offered U.S. secretary of state Warren Christopher a promise that Israel would withdraw from the Golan Heights in return for normalization and security with Syria. Moreover, Israel has good reason to think that since 2000, when talks with Syria broke down, that Damascus has softened its stance on issues such as the location of the border, the security arrangements and the division of water resources.

A key obstacle in the talks between Barak and Syrian president Hafez Assad was Israel's refusal to allow Syrians to "dip their feet" in Lake Kinneret. Since then the waterline has eroded significantly and this is not likely to remain an issue.

However, even if we assume that all these issues can be overcome Syrian President Bashar Assad will have to ask himself whether Olmert can deliver the proverbial goods: a deal that Israelis will support, either through elections or a referendum.

The support of Israel's defense establishment of the talks with Syria is based on the assumption that the chances for a breakthrough on this track are greater than on the Palestinian track. It is also based on the view that when Assad gives his word he keeps it. To a certain extent it was high-ranking army officers, including some who have already retired, who pushed Olmert and Barak to the talks. Chief of Staff Gabi Ashkenazi has been identified as a strong supporter of negotiations with Syria. His predecessors, Shaul Mofaz and Moshe Ya'alon, say that Ashkenazi has said that since the final stop (the Golan Heights in exchange for peace) is known it is best to take a direct route instead of stopping along the way (with a war in the middle).

Lurking behind all of this, just like everything else this past year, is Iran. The army says that peace with Syria will remove a crucial element in Iran's strategy to create that Shi'ite crescent from Tehran to the Alawi regime in Damascus and Hezbollah in Beirut all the way to Sunni Hamas in the Gaza Strip. If Assad can slight loosen the grip of Iran's President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and contains the activities of Hamas in Damascus, the chance for a violent summer in the Middle East will diminish. Of course, this goes hand in hand with the continued efforts to achieve a tahadiyeh [truce] in the Gaza Strip.

Another question is whether the U.S. is considering a military strike against Iran's nuclear installations. Some of those who heard President George Bush in Jerusalem last week felt that the answer to this question is 'yes.' If Ahmadinejad offers strong criticism of his ally in Damascus, this will be a sign that the matter is serious.

In Israel, Syrian priorities are generally ranked in the following order: survival of the Alawi regime, the Syrian economy, the country's role in Lebanon, and the Golan Heights. U.S. economic aid will certainly come in handy for all issues of concern. The problem is that Bush abhors the Assad regime and is not thrilled by the idea of an Israeli-Syrian accord, even if he is not vetoing the continuation of talks.
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