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Last update - 18:42 21/05/2008 Biography The greater the man, the greater the tragedy By Yossi Sarid Tags: Menachem Begin, Yossi Sarid  Begin, 1913-1992, by Avi Shilon Am Oved (Hebrew), 535 pages, NIS 98 Seven times Menachem Begin fell and rose again, to paraphrase the Book of Psalms. The story of the ups and downs, ending with his mighty fall, is told by Avi Shilon, a journalist with a master's degree in Jewish history, in his new biography, "Begin, 1913-1992." It is a comprehensive, well-written work, meticulously and responsibly edited. While I did not discover anything particularly new or earth-shattering in reading it, the overall picture it offers is well rounded and intriguing, with the whole possibly greater than the sum of its parts. The book does right by its hero: Every negative is carefully balanced by a positive, without the author being overly judgmental. The book appears to rely more on existing sources than independent research, which would not be a problem if only the author had been more open about it. A letter from Begin's son, Benny Begin, to the editor of Haaretz (December 28, 2007), detracts somewhat from Shilon's credibility. In his interview in Haaretz Magazine the week before, Shilon had implied that Begin's son collaborated with him. This was not so: Begin claims the only contact they had was a brief phone conversation while he was on a bus, and we can rest assured he is telling the truth. Shilon's attitude toward Menachem Begin is not so different from the way many of us feel about the man and the legend -- ambivalent. On the one hand, we appreciated his personal integrity, modest lifestyle, democratic principles, rejection of torture under interrogation, respect for law and order, acceptance of the rulings of the High Court in Jerusalem and other fine attributes. On the other hand, there was his verbal aggressiveness, his theatricality, his crowd-inciting oratory, his emotional exploitation, his tendency to blend fact and fiction, his view of the world in black and white, and other dangerous traits. Is it any wonder, then, that this complex character, nitpicking and noble, gracious and hot-tempered, both charmed and terrified us -- myself included? We miss him and we abhor him. Unlike other leaders, there is no question that Begin left behind him a rich legacy, but also scorched earth. Shilon walks on tiptoe as he explores the most sensitive issue of them all -- Begin's emotional stability. Was he just prone to moodiness, or was he emotionally disturbed and suffering from a clear case of manic depression? "Despite the temptation," writes Shilon, "I have avoided any unequivocal conclusions, and the psychological component is not the pivot of this book -- one, because Begin was not medically diagnosed, and two, because in my opinion, the man's actions say more about him than any psychological analysis." The dark secret The mystery will thus remain a mystery, also for another reason: Those closest to the Begin myth stubbornly refuse to share the dark secret with anyone else. That was their policy in his lifetime, and they continue to stick to it long after his death. One thing is clear: In his last year in office (Begin resigned in September 1983), the ghosts of Lebanon and its victims haunted him, and he was not fit to carry out his duties as prime minister. He was morose, detached from reality and locked up in himself. It is hard to understand how responsible people in his midst urged him to stay on despite his breakdown. It was an irresponsible act at the time, not only a fiasco for the country, but also cruel to the man himself, who begged for mercy and received none. As sometimes happens, confidants can bring harm to a beloved and respected leader, in their seeming concern for his welfare. In the belief that no one can take his place, they end up leading him astray. In that period, as the First Lebanon War dragged on and Israel sank further into the quagmire, Israel had no prime minister -- and it was frightening. Here I have a personal story to tell: Toward the end of 1982, after the Sabra and Chatilla massacre, one of Begin's most loyal followers, an exceptionally devoted and trustworthy man, came to see me. "I've come to see you because the situation is critical," he said. "The country is in danger. Begin is incapacitated, and there are government ministers who are taking cynical advantage of him." (I had no doubt as to whom he was referring to.) "We have no choice," he went on. "We have to tell the public about Begin's illness, and you are the one who needs to do it. It's time to break the conspiracy of silence." I was beside myself. I brooded day and night about what to do next, and finally decided to say nothing. I knew in advance what would happen if I did the opposite: All the advisers and aides and ministers would get up and flatly deny it. It's all a lie, they would say. It's outright libel. The public would get all huffy and indignant. "See what these politicians are capable of?" they would say. (I was a Knesset member from the opposition Labor Party at the time.) "They'll stoop to anything to topple a political rival. They're against the war so they come out with false and malicious accusations against the prime minister." The upshot was that I became a partner to the silent conspiracy, and my conscience bothers me to this day. I failed the test. Begin fell seven times, and on the eighth, he beat Mapai (the predecessor to Labor, led by Shimon Peres) in its new configuration. His life's dream had come true. The reasons for his victory in 1977, at age 63, are well known, as are the reasons for his multiple failures, all of which are thoroughly documented in the book. I doubt there is anyone in the world, even all of history, who enjoyed such a late bloom in politics. It began with his inclusion in the emergency government on the eve of the Six-Day War, which finally provided him with the legitimacy he had been seeking all his life. The policy of leaving Herut -- Begin's party -- and the Israel Communist Party out on the doorstep was over. It was a new era for Israeli politics, and for Begin personally. Whatever the reasons for Begin's late resurrection, he would never have ascended to power if power had not come to him, falling like ripe fruit into his hands. The State of Israel after the Six-Day War was not the same country. It had changed unrecognizably. Even if Begin had to wait another 10 years, and even if another apocalyptic war erupted in the meantime, from his perspective, the war in 1967 was the watershed event, if not the fault line. The candidate who fit in More than Begin prepared himself to be prime minister, Israeli history opened hearts and prepared the ground for him. In 1977, the new Israel, with its religious and Sephardic flavor, was ready and waiting to crown him. There was no candidate who fit the bill better at the time. Suddenly all his flaws were perceived as virtues. His ridiculed pomposity was perfect for the dream of a Greater Israel. Grand dreams, grand oratory. The winds of messianism blew in from Judea and Samaria, and who was more suited than Begin to play the messiah? It was perfect casting. Life had become a Cecil B. DeMille movie. Who could be better in the starring role, even if there were times when he looked and sounded like Peter Sellers or Louis de Funes? These were Israel's days of grandeur -- no borders, no restrictions, wide open and promising horizons. It didn't matter what the goyim said; it mattered what the settlers did. Old Begin was suddenly a young David Ben-Gurion and more, with the added perk of a skullcap on his head. It was as if Israel, detached from reality, its head in the clouds, had been looking for a prime minister detached from reality with his head in the clouds. And indeed, it found one to carry out the holy work of catering to its illusions and delusions. The Jewish people, springing back to life, found itself a nice grandpa, kicking off the grandfather craze that had enjoyed roaring success over the last few years, from Begin and Shimon Peres to Ariel Sharon. Without the imaginary consolation of 1967 and the terrible blow of 1973, Begin would have failed an eighth time, too. Maybe Begin is the answer to the eternal question of what comes first -- history or leaders. Does history make the leader or the leader make history? It was history that created Begin. And it was history that rose up against him, too. After all, life is not a movie and there is more to life than acting. There are also deeds to be done. Begin tried, and on one occasion he even succeeded: He made peace with Egypt, before he got cold feet on the way to comprehensive peace. As if to comfort himself for uprooting all the settlements in Sinai and recognizing the "legitimate rights of the Palestinian people," as if to show that the good old Begin (the bad guy) was still alive and kicking, he went to war in Lebanon -- a war of choice, which soon buried him, too. What a national tragedy, and what a personal tragedy. Menachem Begin, despite the comic sides to his personality, was a tragic figure. The greater the man, the greater the tragedy. In the last chapter of his biography, Shilon writes: "When the muse hit him, he would express his admiration for politicians from the other camp. In particular, he was impressed by Yossi Sarid's Hebrew." That is no small compliment coming from such a master orator. I also had a weakness for this extraordinary man, the stuff of legend, although any fondness was blocked out by war. And yet I still believe that it wasn't just the "Hebrew" that spoke to him. I believe that it was the "other voice" that sparked his curiosity. Perhaps, in his final days in office, he was not so sure of himself and his views, and wanted to hear another point of view. Yossi Sarid, former chair of the Meretz party, and onetime education minister, is a regular contributor to Haaretz. Bookmark to del.icio.us   Fear of extinction The state of over 20 species of birds in Israel has worsened considerably. Taking advantage Jerusalem police probe possible gang rape of disabled woman.

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