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An untenable idea
By Noam Urbach
Tags: Olympics, Nazis, China

Many myths have attached themselves to the Jews over history, but unusual prowess at sports has never been one of them. Therefore, one can assume that a total absence of Jews from the Olympic Games would not create too much of an uproar. But why should we even imagine such a possibility? The idea seems to have been made irrelevant, at least since the Berlin Games of 1936.

The concept of an Olympics devoid of all Jewish athletes is the brainchild of distinguished Jewish leaders in the United States: A total of 185 American rabbis from different movements, including the president of the Reform Movement, has signed a petition calling on Jews from all over the world to boycott the Beijing Olympics. The petition lists the familiar reasons: the Chinese government's support of the government in Sudan, its treatment of the Tibetans, and its "denial of basic rights to its own citizens." But an original claim has also been added to these well-known ones: China is charged with "provision of missiles to Iran and Syria, and friendship for Hamas."

The petition was deliberately made public shortly before Holocaust Remembrance Day, and it notes the connection between the abandonment of the Jews by the world's nations during the Holocaust and the "obligation to speak out against injustice and persecution" today. Rabbi Irving (Yitz) Greenberg, former chairman of the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Council and one of the petition's initiators, explained the odd link between modern-day China and Nazi Germany by observing that China, like Germany in 1936, was trying to use the Olympics to distract attention from its record.
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There is certainly room to argue with the reasons for boycott listed in the petition. The claim that China is more responsible for the genocide in Darfur than countries such as Russia and India is at the very least exaggerated. The events in Tibet are very unfortunate, but violence is being used by both sides, and who knows better than us that issues surrounding political borders and claims for independence by various regions can be a very complex matter, and that violent clashes over such issues erupt even in entirely democratic environments.

The expression of concern over the state of human rights in China sounds especially untenable. Anyone following the public mood in that country can detect almost-absolute domestic unity in the face of what many Chinese perceive as a hypocritical Western attack - not on the Chinese regime, but on the Chinese people, Chinese nationalism and the country's development into a world economic power. The protests surrounding the torch relay in Western countries are perceived as a deliberate humiliation of China; if these protests have had any effect at all on the domestic situation in that country, it is only in weakening the more liberal Chinese camp.

The analogy made between China and Nazi Germany is especially grave, attesting to the combination of ignorance and a warped view of reality on the one hand, and the lack of a sense of proportion on the other. With all due respect to the refined moral sensibilities of those who call for boycotting the Beijing Olympics, it is clear that much of this sentiment in the West is based simply on anti-Chinese feelings, caused by China's growing power and the fear that it will infringe on the Western hegemony in our one-power world.

The American rabbis, in this sense, are entirely compatible with the mainstream of the American public, since the United States is the one country where the rise of China is perceived as most threatening. And here lies the most galling point in the rabbis' petition. As American citizens with equal rights, why did they not simply sign general petitions against participation in the Olympics? Why did they lay so much emphasis on their religious affiliation, proposing such an implausible boycott of athletic games by the members of their own religion?

Perhaps, in trying to find answers for these questions, the signers of the petition looked for a cause that was uniquely tied to the Jewish people: the concern for Israel's safety. If they wanted to influence China to make a greater commitment to Israel's security, they instead acted like a boxer who hits his opponent below the belt and then, after the match is over, comes to give him a friendly pat on the back.

And indeed, reactions to the petition in the Chinese media suggest shock and disappointment, recalling how the Chinese sheltered Jews during the Holocaust and stressing that China has never suffered from anti-Semitism. And more generally, if the American rabbis were so concerned about Israel's security, why did they not consult Israel? This case demonstrates that the interests of the United States and Israel are not always identical, and the attitude toward China is perhaps one of the most representative aspects of this reality. Put rather crudely, to many people in the United States, this is the rise of a rival power, whereas for Israel this is the rise of a new power, which may become either friend or foe. The former possibility, of course, is preferable.

Israel must take public action to dissociate itself completely from that group of Jewish American leaders. The President's Conference [last] week included some high-ranking Chinese guests, and it would have been an excellent opportunity for Israel to convey a clear message of friendship to China. Too bad President Shimon Peres could not get away from the embrace of President George W. Bush for a moment to announce his participation in the Olympic Games at the head of the Israeli delegation.

The writer is a China expert and a doctoral student at the University of Haifa.
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