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De-fenceless in Gaza
By Zvi Bar'el
Tags: Gaza Strip

Thousands of people engaged in transferring foodstuffs, jerricans of oil, packages of cleaning materials, cigarettes, flour and sugar, foam rubber to pad the benches of wedding guests and also fresh goats, to replenish the stock of meat. Vans, cars and trucks also clustered at the new border crossing to drive people to the Egyptian city of El Arish, and from there back to the Gaza Strip, all in a relaxed atmosphere and without panic. The feeling, at least based on the TV footage and testimony from civilians there, is that there is no need to hurry. This reality is not going to change tomorrow.

As recently as two days before the border fence was blown up, Egypt sent some 300 policemen to bolster the guards at the Rafah crossing; on Wednesday those same police looked on as though that sort of thing happened every day. When it became known that the fence had been breached, and after a brief consultation with Egyptian intelligence chief Omar Suleiman and Foreign Minister Ahmed Aboul Gheit, Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak gave an order not to interfere with the passage of Palestinians as long as they were involved in purchasing basic commodities.

This week members of that population demonstrated against Egypt's policy toward the Palestinians, and expressed their wrath over the fact that their government was remaining silent about the goings-on in Gaza. In Egypt, it is clear that the decision to allow the Palestinians to cross into Egyptian territory will have an effect on more than the country's relationship with the Palestinian Authority or Hamas: The main damage is liable to be caused to Egyptian relations with Israel, and perhaps with Washington as well.
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Dr. Wahid Abdel Megid, an assistant director of the Al-Ahram Center for Political & Strategic Studies, in Cairo, has no doubt about that. "The cold peace with Israel is liable to turn into a stormy peace," he wrote this week in his newspaper column in Al-Ahram. Relations between Israel and Egypt could be put to a difficult test if Israel persists in imposing a siege on the Gaza Strip.

Abdel Megid wrote this even before the fence was broken through, where it looked as if Egypt was conducting a violent struggle against the Palestinians alongside Israel. Mubarak's problem and that of other Arab leaders became crystal clear when it emerged that Gaza could no longer be left out of the equation in political discussions.

Khaled Meshal, the head of Hamas' political bureau, coined the formula: "The cascades of blood are shocking to every national and international conscience. They will not stop as long as there exists a Zionist entity, Arab impotence, an absence of international determination, and internal Palestinian schism." Meshal spoke at a Damascus press conference, while a demonstration took place at the nearby Yarmuk refugee camp. That in turn sparked a string of demonstrations in Arab countries and also gave the signal for a powerful media campaign, led by the Al Jazeera network, the thrust of whose complaint was directed at the silence of the Arab leaders.

"The Arab leaders must at least raise their voices against what is happening in the Gaza Strip," exhorted Arab League Secretary General Amr Moussa, who himself has not managed to come up with an Arab compromise formula that would be accepted by Syria and Hezbollah for resolving the political crisis in Lebanon.

The leader of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt has also called upon Egypt to open the border crossings to Gaza and to allow goods and people to pass through them. In Jordan, the opposition has called for the expulsion of the Israeli ambassador; in other Arab countries there has been broad coverage of the demonstrations against what is perceived as Arab impotence.

Domestic considerations

At the beginning of the week, it still seemed as though Egypt was "standing firm" against these pressures. Egypt wanted to avoid yet another confrontation with Israel or Washington over the issue of the border crossing. It had had enough over a month ago - when it allowed a group of pilgrims from Gaza to pass though on their way to Mecca, and when it allowed them to return by the same route, it was perceived by Israel as a direct enemy.

But domestic Egyptian considerations gained the upper hand. Hence, too, the tremendous media effort Egypt made this week to establish that they, and no other Arab party, had convinced Israel to lift the sanctions a bit - for example, to transfer fuel and also convoys of medicine to the Strip. The other "Arab party" that claimed the credit was Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas, whose advisor Nimr Haddad published a detailed statement at the beginning of the week in which he explained that Abbas himself, in an exceptional way had proposed that the PA would take the management of the border crossings upon itself. Khaled Meshal thanked both sides for their efforts, but made it clear that letting through a few more shipments of fuel did not constitute a solution to the problem of the siege.

The firing of Qassams on Sderot and the response by the Israel Defense Forces, both in killing Palestinians in the Zeitoun neighborhood and in the total closure that was imposed this week, have created a new equation, one that has become so familiar in Lebanon, in which Hamas comes out the winner no matter what. It can determine the number of Qassam rockets that are fired on the town and thus determine a criterion for "relative quiet," "calm" or "noise." It will thus dictate the Israeli response on the ground, and through that - the Arab reaction. Meshal can also determine whether to establish "Grapes of Wrath-type understandings" with Israel concerning Gaza, by means of the hudna (cease-fire) or tahadiyeh (temporary truce) that he has proposed and that has won support in Israel. In this he would also serve to further weaken the status of Abbas, who is not able to stop even one single Qassam.

Meshal has succeeded in proving to Israel, to the leaders of the Arab world and to the Quartet (the European Union, the United States, Russia and the United Nations), that it will be impossible to discuss the Annapolis resolutions or any other political proposal without Gaza, which is to say - without him.

Abbas realized this week that as long as there is someone in Gaza who is dictating the mood in all of Palestine, he himself will not be able to be seen in an embrace with Prime Minister Ehud Olmert or Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni again. On Tuesday he did declare that the political negotiations must go on despite the events in Gaza."

The events in Gaza have made clear to Abbas is that even if he does agree to enter into a political dialogue with Hamas, the points that the organization has accumulated this week, thanks to the suffering of the residents of the Strip, will enable it to dictate the terms of that dialogue.

It is no wonder that Hamas is again voicing its demand to hold early elections for the Palestinian parliament, on the assumption that the Israeli pressure on Gaza and its transformation into Palestine's victim will reinvigorate the movement with the power that it had two years ago, which had eroded in the meantime.

Nevertheless, both Egypt and Saudi Arabia believe that the most reasonable solution at the moment, considering the lack of confidence in Israel's desire to conduct a serious political process, is to establish a joint Fatah-Hamas Palestinian Authority so that it will be possible at least to solve the problem of Gaza, and to eliminate from the agenda the "stormy peace" threat of which Wahid Abdel Megid spoke.

Arab League meeting

In about a month and a half, the annual Arab League summit is due to open, this time in Damascus. Should they accept Abbas' formula, by which, since Hamas carried out a military coup d'etat in Gaza, it does not have the right to be accepted as a part of the legitimate Palestinian representation; or should they call for and act toward the establishment of a Palestinian unity government that would effectively suspend the continuation of negotiations with Israel, which in any case are not bearing fruit?

Another, albeit secondary, problem, is whether to hold the summit in Damascus at all, at a time when Syria's relations with Egypt and Saudi Arabia are at a special nadir. Saudi Arabia does not want to be in a situation in which its King Abdullah passes leadership of the league over to Syrian President Bashar Assad, at a time when Assad demonstrates scorn at every proposal Saudi Arabia makes in the matter of Lebanon. Saudi Arabia does, however, support intra-Palestinian reconciliation, and it understands that without Syria's agreement it will have a hard time getting such a reconciliation up and running. And what will happen if Syria invites Khaled Meshal to the meeting?

In the meantime it appears that another solution is emerging to the question of the summit, namely the possibility of an Egyptian "hijacking" that will allow for an "emergency meeting" to be held in place of a regular one, thus obviating the need to hold a regular meeting in Damascus. And what will the justification be for this? What else: the situation in Gaza.
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