Subscribe to Print Edition | Thu., December 06, 2007 Kislev 26, 5768 | | Israel Time: 21:06 (EST+7)
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Where is the love?
By Avi Issacharoff
Tags: Iran, Arab World, Israel 

WASHINGTON, ANNAPOLIS - On Monday, the Arab League decided to convene the foreign ministers of the Arab states in Washington. Initially, the meeting was scheduled to take place at the Arab League offices, but in the end it was decided that the Saudi embassy in the city would host the ministers. Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Saud al-Faisal, who just a few days earlier said he was still "deliberating" about whether to attend the summit, apparently sought to portray Saudi Arabia as the head of the Arab camp at the Annapolis event.

Shortly before the ministers were due to arrive, several dozen journalists stood by the embassy entrance, including Israeli reporters who expected one of the Arab ministers to prove that the summit also symbolized the start of a normalization process with the Arab states by making a dramatic statement to the Israeli media.

However, the PR people at the Saudi embassy noticed that there were Israelis among the journalists present. Predictably, they went up to each of the Jewish-Israeli reporters and made them leave (Arab-Israeli reporters were permitted to stay). The next day, during the summit itself, the Saudi foreign ministry representative who came to the press hall warmly shook hands with the Israeli journalists who approached him, but when asked to give an interview, made a surprisingly speedy exit.
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Al-Faisal won't be paying a historic visit to Jerusalem any time soon, and dreams of another visit by an Arab leader to Israel, like that of Egyptian president Sadat, won't be realized in the next weeks. Yet the Annapolis gathering, which was attended by representatives of the Arab states, has perpetuated the rift that has become ever more glaring in the Arab and Islamic world since the Second Lebanon War - between the extremist camp headed by Iran, and the more moderate Sunni camp headed by Saudi Arabia. This doesn't mean that the more pragmatic Sunni-Arab stream has suddenly come to love Israel. Far from it.

The Saudis didn't come to the summit out of love for Israel, but out of hatred for the Iranians. They have no desire to shake hands with Israelis, let alone for full normalization. However, the decidedly unfriendly statements and seemingly hostile behavior from the Arab states toward Israel were basically lip service meant to assuage public opinion back home. When it comes to the struggle versus Iran over the future of the Middle East, then, for Riyadh, sitting with Israel in the same hall is a legitimate move - if it will help to reduce the Iranian danger.

Saudi Arabia, which until recently was the darling of the Islamist Palestinian organizations (see the Mecca agreement), has recently found itself serving as their punching bag, on Iran's orders. Having already fallen out of favor with Hezbollah in Lebanon, Riyadh is now coming in for harsh criticism from Hamas and Islamic Jihad. Ramadan Salah, the secretary general of Islamic Jihad, said: "What's happening in Annapolis is an Arab-Zionist carnival to mark Israel's 60th anniversary. The purpose of the meeting is to lay the foundation for the eradication of the Palestinian problem with the blessing of the Arabs, particularly Saudi Arabia." Hamas Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh added: "I object to the participation of several Arab delegations that will appear for the first time alongside the Zionist delegation in Annapolis."

No criticism is being directed at Syria, however, despite its participation in the summit - perhaps because Damascus is still playing a double game and, despite its attendance, steadfastly refuses to disconnect from the Iranian axis. Yet the summit may turn out to be the first step in a divorce proceeding between Syria and Iran. In the Second Lebanon War, the interests of these two countries still overlapped. This situation may not endure for long after Annapolis.

The Bush administration, thanks to its ally Saudi Arabia, can draw encouragement from the legacy of this summit, which has underscored the general process taking place in the Middle East: a growing disassociation of the Arab states from Iran, coupled with pushing Hezbollah, Hamas and Islamic Jihad further out of the pragmatic Sunni circle. Yet, despite the rare glimmer of optimism that came out of Annapolis and the promises to complete final status negotiations by the end of 2008, a "peace legacy" is still very far off.

The signing of an agreement between Israel and the Palestinian Authority at the White House may not happen by the end of Bush's term, once the parties enter into talks about the seemingly irresolvable core issues. Another inescapable part of the equation is the "axis of evil" - Hamas, Hezbollah and Islamic Jihad - which, at Iran's behest, will seek to thwart such an event in any way possible.

11th vs. 6th floor

The members of the Palestinian negotiating team and the PA President Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen) stayed on the 11th floor of the Ritz Carlton Hotel in Washington. On Tuesday, the day of the summit, they all watched American television channels, which repeatedly broadcast the day's top story: the murder of football player Sean Taylor of the Washington Redskins.

Whenever Abu Mazen set out for meetings at the White House or State Department, the U.S. secret service quickly blocked off the streets leading to the hotel. Security guards escorted Abu Mazen to elevators and from there to the cars. Each time, curious onlookers gathered in the street, trying to figure out which foreign leader was at the center of the fuss this time.

On most of these trips, Abu Mazen was joined by some fellow guests from the 11th floor, negotiating team members, such as Yasser Abed Rabbo, Saeb Erekat, Ahmed Qureia (Abu Ala). While this group has had its share of disagreements in the past, and even today there are calls in Fatah for Abed Rabbo (who is not a Fatah man) to be replaced, the team managed to function relatively smoothly. Perhaps that can be chalked up to a natural process of maturity in politicians who understand that this could well be their last opportunity.

While skeptical about Israel's desire to make progress in the talks, it was evident that the senior officials who accompanied Abu Mazen on this trip were quite determined to nudge the process forward. In many ways, their situation is thornier than that of their Israeli counterparts. They need political accomplishments like agreements to be able to survive. If they aren't able to present their people with a real political horizon, it's hard to see how Fatah and Abu Mazen will be able to stay in power much longer in the West Bank.

One person who didn't appear to fit into the 11th floor's political landscape was the guest from the sixth floor. While in Washington Prime Minister Salam Fayyad, who'd been avoiding all the political talks in the past weeks, kept maintaining his distance from the negotiations, and from his president, and chose to stay on a different floor. He stated more than once that, in his view, the deployment of Palestinian policemen in Nablus was a lot more important than the Annapolis summit.

Though there is no great love between the two, Abu Mazen certainly appreciates Fayyad for his impressive abilities in fund-raising, running a clean administration and having excellent ties with the Americans. He is also aware that he needs Fayyad as a decisive moment for the PA approaches: the conference of the donor countries on December 17th in Paris.

Before the delegation's departure for Annapolis, PA people may have been describing that event as nothing but a media show, a "photo-op." But the attitude toward the Paris conference is quite different. The donor countries are expected to transfer billions of dollars to the PA, to compete with the flow of Iranian money to Hamas in Gaza. This is the PA's chief concern right now - to be able to come up with a decent response to Hamas' financial aid to the weaker sectors, to the large sums being channeled to the organization's military wing, and to help purchase more arms and recruit militants who could strike at PA officials in the West Bank, too.

The cash from the donors is meant to ensure that the PA will have the ability to provide jobs for the unemployed, to support the poor and to build Palestinian security apparatuses that will prevent Hamas from reestablishing itself in the West Bank. The question on the minds of many in the PA these days is whether this money won't be too little and too late, in terms of the attempt to bring the masses "back home" and get them to support the PA.
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