"Tey al mirpeset hakazino: du-kiyum behaifa betkufat hamandat habriti, 1920-1948" ("Tea on the Casino Balcony: Coexistence in Haifa During the British Mandate, 1920-1948"), edited by Daphna Sharfman and Eli Nachmias, Mishpaton Haifa, 334 pages, NIS 62

Haifa under the British Mandate has been the focus of a considerable number of academic studies. These books have examined various aspects of the city's history, though mostly from the Jewish perspective. "Tey al mirpeset hakazino" ("Tea on the Casino Balcony") explores coexistence in that city, a subject often talked about, yet rarely studied in depth.

The book contains two articles written by the editors - Daphna Sharfman and Eli Nachmias, and another two, one by Tamir Goren and the other by Johnny Mansour. The Nachmias article tries to establish whether coexistence in Haifa is fact or fiction, but it ends without a clear answer one way or the other. Haifa's current mayor, Yona Yahav, offers a more decisive reply in his introduction to the book: He marvels at the achievements of his city and the "Haifa model," while completely ignoring the destruction of the old city and the erasure of Haifa's Ottoman past.

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Both Yahav and the editors of the book turn a blind eye to the historical event that changed the face of the city when it was "liberated," to use Sharfman's term. In this way, the discussion about coexistence in Haifa leaves out the military confrontation that led to the expulsion and flight of some 70,000 Arab residents, who left the city before that "liberation." There is no question that any discussion that does not address this issue is detached from reality.

In their enthusiastic prologue to the book, the editors clearly state that "Haifa was created by the British." This statement dovetails with the general picture this book is trying to convey. But it's hardly a historical secret that Haifa has an Ottoman past and was not created by the British. Johnny Mansour's article even mentions the founder of modern Haifa, Dahir al-'Umar, the governor of Acre and the Galilee in the second half of the 18th century. In fact, the answer to the pivotal question in this book - is there coexistence in Haifa? - lies in the Ottoman period.

'Godforsaken place'

Jewish settlement in Haifa developed in a region that was inhabited from the outset by Muslims. In the absence of any nationalist movement there, Arab or Jewish, patterns of residential life developed in which there were no boundaries, physical or imaginary, between Muslims, Jews and Christians. With the rise of Jewish and Arab nationalist movements, such boundaries came into being, souring the relationship between members of the two groups. This trend intensified toward the end of the Ottoman period, and the more entrenched it became, the more "coexistence" became a thing of the past.

In his article on Arabs and Jews in the "dynamic and segregated labor market" in Mandatory Haifa, Nachmias writes that Haifa of that period had grown from being a "godforsaken place into an industrial city." But Haifa before the Mandate was not a godforsaken place. An appreciation of its strategic location led the Ottoman authorities to build the terminus of the Hijaz railway there, along with warehouses and maintenance facilities. European consuls and representatives of international companies opened offices there. Memoirs written by local residents and the diaries of European travelers contain awed accounts of the cosmopolitan character of Haifa in Ottoman times.

Nachmias' important discussion of the efforts of the Histadrut labor federation to bring Arab workers into the organization ends with the conclusion that the body's policy toward workers, and Arabs in particular, was "hypocritical." On the one hand, the Histadrut encouraged the Arab workers to organize and operate as an affiliate of the organization. On the other hand, it had no qualms about using the slogans that were popular (and perceived as legitimate) in the Jewish sector at that time, pushing for "Jewish labor" and the employment of as many Jews as possible. This was part of the organization's Zionist outlook.

In writing about the Arab families that contributed to the city's economy, Nachmias presents a very partial listing, full of transcription errors and confusion of given names and family names. These are mistakes that could have been avoided with a little extra care and effort.

Tamir Goren explores the relations of Hasan Bey Shukri, the city's mayor from 1927 to 1940, and the Jewish Yishuv (pre-state community). Shukri's personality and political views were highly controversial: Many accused him of being pro-Zionist, and there were two attempts on his life, both of which he survived. During the Arab uprising of 1930-1936, Shukri was forced to flee Haifa for Beirut. While Goren refutes the claim that he was pro-Zionist, he notes that Shukri was active in the Islamic Association, which was supportive of the British Mandate and enjoyed the backing of the Zionist movement.

Goren writes at length about the process by which a municipal emblem was designed, about attitudes toward Shukri in the Jewish community and about Shukri's unique personality. Shukri had his own way of looking at the Jewish-Arab conflict, Goren says: He was a believer in coexistence and insisted that dialogue was the key to reaching peace between the two sides.

In her piece, Daphna Sharfman claims that, "under Ottoman rule, the Muslims, who instigated most of the skirmishes [between them and Jews], enjoyed preferential treatment, and came away with light penalties, if they were punished at all." This biased statement has already been proved wrong, and it's unfortunate that Sharfman repeats it, especially in a book on the history of Haifa.

Sharfman brings a wealth of anecdotes about people, places and events that "made history." She writes about traveling abroad, about plane trips, train journeys, hotels and pensions, restaurants and cafes, cinema, theater and music, buses and taxis. Although some of the anecdotes mention Arab sites and Arab personalities, these references are usually parenthetical and are far from summing up the reality of the Arab sector. In some cases, the transcription of Arab words and names is flawed, too. For example, Khamra Square, named for the Khamra family, which owned extensive property in the area, appears in the article as "Hamra." In Ottoman times, and also during the British Mandate, this was the place where the wagoneers congregated, whom Sharfman mistakenly refers to as rabanji, instead of 'arabanji.

Johnny Mansour begins his article on Haifa's Arabs under the British Mandate with the statement that "The Arabs of Haifa underwent a major process of change, from a classic Arab society to a modern society." What he means by a "classic" Arab society is not clear. Ottoman Haifa, with its constant influx of population, was always in a state of flux. Hence, the social patterns that developed there were different from those of other cities. Mansour dwells on daily life in the city, describing the schools, sports activities, the Arab press and the scouts. He compiles lists of newspapers, printing presses, neighborhoods and labor unions, and presents it all in encyclopedic style, without connecting one thing to another.

Writing about Haifa's religious shrines, Mansour mixes up the Small Mosque and the Great Mosque. He refers to the latter as Al-Nasr (which means victory), but that is actually the name of the Great Mosque (also known as Jerina). Al-Nasr was built in 1775, and not in the late 19th century, as Mansour claims. It was erected by Hasan Pasha, the commander of the Ottoman navy, to commemorate his victory over Dahir al-'Umar.

Despite the above-mentioned drawbacks, "Tea on the Casino Balcony" portrays a vibrant society in the process of Westernization, and offers a rich array of material that is not found in other studies. I highly recommend it, especially to residents of Haifa today.

Dr. Mahmoud Yazbak teaches in the department of Middle East history at the University of Haifa.