MARSEILLES - To this day, the French do not understand why Marseilles did not erupt along with its sister cities throughout France. When the immigrant suburbs burned in the fall of 2005, Marseilles remained calm, as if cut off from its surroundings.

Nearly 40 percent of the city's million residents immigrated from countries in North Africa, hoping for a better life. There is no other city in France with such a high concentration of immigrants. Experts explained that passion for soccer succeeded in blurring class and ethnic differences. The fact that many of the immigrants have been relatively successful has also left them out of the immigrant protests that swept the country at the time.

The riots in the suburbs have left behind a wound that refuses to heal. It is becoming increasingly clear to the French that there is a serious divide between their country and the Muslim community in France. Of particular concern is the fact that tens of thousands of those who took to the streets, igniting them, were born in France and were considered French in every way. Their parents, on the other hand, who still carry with them the pain of immigration, were the ones who kept a distance from the angry rioters.

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During a three-week period, the rioters burned 10,000 cars and destroyed 300 housing and commercial structures. Dozens of police officers were injured, and 6,000 were questioned by police. The fact that the rioting youth did not spare their own schools, kindergartens or cultural centers was particularly disconcerting. The waves of rage swept over everything. The French would be wise to note that even after two generations in the country, the Muslims are stuck in poverty and hardship.

It is not clear how many Muslim immigrants there are in France; their numbers range from four to eight million. It is also not clear how many of them are legal residents, and how many entered the country illegally. What is clear is that they have tremendous power that can tip elections in France - including the upcoming presidential elections.

The Muslims, like the Jews in France, have identified the discussion surrounding national identity as the main axis around which the election campaign revolves. Contributing to this attitude was the law on the veil, passed in 2003, which forbade pupils from wearing religious symbols. The law applies to all faiths, but everyone in France knew it was created to block a return to Islam that was sweeping across the country. It was the veil that caused a panic, not the skullcap, the Magen David or the cross.

The riots in the suburbs contributed to this attitude, and even though they were a cry of distress and need, they emphasized the sense that the Muslims do not consider France to be their home.

In view of this, the leading presidential candidate, Nicolas Sarkozy, recommended the establishment of a ministry to deal with national identity and immigration.

Linking these two subjects sparked a sharp debate, especially among his Jewish supporters, who considered the connection a frightening reminder of the Vichy era, in which the Jews suffered a great deal.

Of all the candidates, Sarkozy may pay the highest price in terms of the protest vote of Muslim immigrants. On October 25, 2005, at the peak of the rioting, he made a calming statement to his countrymen: "Do not be alarmed. We will rid you of this riffraff." In French it sounded harsher and more violent, and this is the reason why a year and a half later, Sarkozy is still paying the price for his words.

Into this vacuum Segolene Royal emerged, with great momentum. She spent the last week in Marseilles and immigrant suburbs throughout the country. She has claimed for herself the Muslim votes, and based on the way she is received during her visits, it is fair to say that - just like the Jewish vote is in Sarkozy's pocket - the Muslim voters may come to view Royal as their candidate.