There is no chance whatsoever to change Hamas. Almost all the Palestinian and Egyptian political figures involved in the attempts to achieve an agreement between the sides know this. Nevertheless, many continue to make attempts to reach an agreement about establishing a unity government that will put an end to the bloodshed in Gaza.

One of the more interesting attempts is that of the most famous Palestinian prisoner, Marwan Barghouti, who from his prison cell last week sent his associate, the former minister Qadura Fares, and his lawyer, Khader Shkirat, to Damascus for talks with Khaled Meshal and the Hamas leadership. The two returned with a new document for the nomination of the old/new prime minister, Ismail Haniyeh, which Mahmoud Abbas will transfer to him. The document is to read: "I call upon you as the prime minister of the new Palestinian government to faithfully serve the interests of the Palestinian people, to protect their rights, to maintain their achievements and to continue the work of achieving national goals, as formulated in the decisions of the Palestinian National Council (of the PLO), in the paragraphs of the Palestinian constitution and the document of national reconciliation (based on the prisoners' document singed by the Palestinian faction leaders who are jailed in Israel). Your government must observe the resolutions of the Arab summit, international decisions, and the agreements that were signed by the PLO."

On his return, Qadura Fares also presented Abu Mazen with a proposal to appoint neutral personalities - that is, individuals not identified with Hamas or Fatah - to the three key positions in the next government: foreign minister, interior minister and finance minister. It is reasonable to assume that this proposal, or variations thereof, will be brought up in the Hamas-Fatah talks this week in Mecca, as part of the Saudi Arabian mediation. The problem, of course, is that after a full year of talks and attempts to convince, the picture emerging is that it is impossible to settle the disagreements between the sides. Fatah cannot renege on the agreements of the past and retreat from its recognition of Israel. And if there was once a belief that Hamas might change and its positions would become more moderate, it is now clear that this cannot happen. As a religious movement which constitutes a kind of branch of the Muslim Brotherhood, Hamas is not able to change its positions. This has been stated many times in the past, but there are those among the Palestinian leadership who thought Hamas might show flexibility. Most of them have despaired. The way to deal with Hamas is therefore not to try to change it but to push it to the sidelines. That is, to try to return this national-religious movement to the status and size it had before the last elections.

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How can this be done? Not by the use of force. The more Israel, the United States and the rest of the world help Abu Mazen with money and weapons to defeat Hamas, the greater the chance that support for Hamas will grow. In the past few days, one could hear such things in the Palestinian street as: "We did not give Hamas a chance." When the average Gazan compares Fatah strongman, Mohammed Dahlan ("The Lion of Gaza" as his supporters call him), with Ismail Haniyeh, there is no doubt who is the more popular of the two. Dahlan, with his smart appearance and American backing, is associated with everything bad wreaked by the Palestinian Authority and the Oslo accords.

The Palestinian public will be prepared to swallow its pride, to make concessions and to support people like Dahlan and his associates only if it transpires that they can be useful and bring results.

The experience of the past has shown that only dramatic diplomatic progress has held back Hamas. Only when the political path of Abu Mazen and Fatah appears to be succeeding will it be possible for the Palestinian public to shake off Hamas and turn it once again into a minority, as it was, until the bloodshed began some six years ago.