Even though the media is focused on the two main candidates for the presidency of the French Republic, many a glance is going toward Jean-Marie Le Pen, leader of the National Front. A survey published a week ago showed that 82 percent of the French believe the media is paying too much attention to Nicholas Sarkozy, the candidate from the right, and Segolene Royale, the candidate from the left.

This emphasis, it is believed, hides the real dimensions of Le Pen. In the previous elections, the media gave Le Pen little attention, while journalists covered the two major candidates ad nauseum - President Chirac on the right and Premier Jospin on the left were the subjects of millions of words spewed forth on their opinions, their hobbies and their weaknesses.

While the media was busy discussing the question of what Chirac and Jospin enjoy cooking in the small hours of the morning, and who was the most attractive woman in France in the opinion of the two, Le Pen diligently traveled the length and breadth of France. He toured the provinces and the outlying districts and the "mixed" neighborhoods whose way of life changed when the immigrants arrived.

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The two mainstream candidates held a sterile dialogue of elitists, so typical of well-fed, bourgeois politicians, while Le Pen spoke about the issues that affect ordinary citizens. The French were feeling increasingly helpless in the face of burgeoning globalization and hyper-capitalist economics. They feared the extension of the European Union would blur the unique character of France. They were scared by the rising power of Muslim immigrants and by the undermining of their own personal security.

During that very fateful election year, the French indicated that the undermining of their security had become the central issue in their lives. Chirac and Jospin were busy arguing about whipped cream, while Le Pen spoke about bread. This was the secret behind his ability to enter the second round of presidential elections at the expense of the annoying Jospin.

Now, once again, the story is repeating itself: Everyone is busy with trifles, as if no danger is imminent from the party headed by a racist and a xenophobe. A comprehensive survey published in France last month reveals the National Front has become part of the fabric of life. Some 70 percent of those polled said the state does not protect its traditional values. A similar percentage felt the state does not show sufficient determination against juvenile delinquents. Some 60 percent are convinced there are too many immigrants in France, and half of those questioned were of the belief the state must grant more authority to the police. A similar proportion responded that they do not feel at home in their country.

These findings explain why the latest polls predict some 20 percent of the votes will be for Le Pen in the first round of presidential elections and reveal a small part of what many in France think of Muslim immigrants. They are convinced that life was a bed of roses before the immigrants arrived, or at least while they worked in the car industry and stayed put in their miserable dwellings. As their numbers grew and they began demanding equal rights, the French experienced an identity crisis. What should be done with these people, the authorities wondered. Should they be integrated into society or shut away in pitiful ghettoes? The French are convinced the immigrants are not interested in integrating. The immigrants are convinced France does not want them to integrate. That is the background to the riots in the big city suburbs in autumn 2005. Now, four months before the elections, many are wondering how those dreadful scenes will affect the voting patterns of the French.

Frustration, despair and helplessness are central components in the food chain of racist ideology. Le Pen's National Front started thriving after the riots. In view of the paralysis and confusion that seized the central government, the French were lured by the hocus-pocus offered by Le Pen: law and order, emphasis on personal security, a policy of charity begins at home rather than among the neighbors in Europe and a firm hand against any immigrant who dares to attack the state or its symbols.

The Le Pen phenomenon sows embarrassment and confusion among the French, as the date for the presidential elections approaches. Even when they want to ignore his presence, they are forced to face the miserable reality from which he sprang.

In the eyes of many, the 79-year-old symbolizes the good old France of the days before the invasion of the foreigners who changed its face.

When the campaign heats up, the "valid" candidates will be forced to deal with the Le Pen phenomenon. Both of them will attack him vociferously but also try to show him due respect. After all, he has some 20 percent of the voters in his pocket, and no candidate will want to become too involved with him.

Is Le Pen merely a political problem? Is he a buffoon and a racist, as his opponents say, or is he a prophet of doom, as his proponents claim? Will his party survive even after he disappears? Is he the real face of France or a sharp deviation from its heritage?

After the next elections, we will know what direction France is going to take.