A strange silence has descended upon Israeli politics. It is hard to believe how far we have fallen this week. But in these days, about the worst we have known since the founding of the state, barely a peep was heard about Avigdor Lieberman's stunning march into the top tier of the government.

The former shining stars of the Labor Party mumbled their opposition to filling the place of the one righteous person, Ophir Pines-Paz, who resigned over the entry of Ehud Olmert's Rasputin. But we have not heard anything from key signings like Avishay Braverman and Ami Ayalon, or from Matan Vilnai, about the significance of the meteoric rise of the quasi-fascist politician. If they turned down the appointment, it was above all due to Amir Peretz's demand that they give up their spot in the Knesset for it.

The only good news, perhaps, came from Yair Lapid. He subtly hinted in an interview that in the future, he might consider going into politics. Ratings like his might offer some tiny consolation at a time when our leadership's disgrace has sent its ratings into the sewers. The organizations that normally fight for proper governmental norms, which run to the High Court of Justice over every little suspicion of corruption, left the public square deserted while political corruption of the first rank readied a cushy spot for Lieberman. Nearly the only voices of protest came from some in the media - which, as everybody knows, is to blame for everything - and from Arab MKs, some of whom Lieberman would like to see executed.

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New stirrings of life came from Ehud Barak, across the ocean. The man who once described himself as a long-distance runner sees an approaching opportunity on the track to government. Olmert wants him by his side. In order to survive, Olmert is now ready to acquire anything that moves. Peretz, Barak's despised rival, is weighing the possibility. Barak, too, was silent on Lieberman. Why should he say a word when his most heartfelt wish is at last at hand?

Meanwhile, as Lieberman was made the government's strategist, the leadership was bolstered by a deputy defense minister, Ephraim Sneh. The man who is so fond of talking about values had nothing to say where Lieberman is concerned. I can just imagine the minister for strategic threats, who seldom had to hold a rifle, summoning the former general to discuss how to introduce the methods Russia has been using in Chechnya against the Palestinian threat from Gaza.

Lieberman did not tell the truth the other day when he tried to explain what exactly he meant by the comparison. He yelled at Mordechai Kirschenbaum and Yaron London, accusing them of distorting his true intention: of establishing a different government in the territories, just as Vladimir Putin did in the rebellious province, killing tens of thousands and obliterating cities in the process. Palestinian Authority Chairman Mahmoud Abbas and Fatah are not good enough for him, and the elected Hamas government surely is not, either. Who would he want to bring in there? Who else does Lieberman think he can fool, now that he has so easily blinded the prime minister and the limping Labor Party leader?

The truth is, of course, that this huge crisis requires a shake-up of the leadership. Through a protracted process, it has become a gloomy farce. But all that is left in this shaky system shot through with holes are some has-beens and a few who, in Kafkaesque way, awakened to a Lieberman-morning to discover that they had turned into cockroaches.

Israel may be poor in natural resources, but we always knew that it was rich in human resources. With colonialist arrogance, Lieberman said this week that the Palestinians ought to produce a de Gaulle so that we could talk with them. The guy's got a sense of humor. What would he say if their de Gaulle wanted to turn Israel into a second Chechnya?

Even Yossi Beilin did not speak up too loudly. The lavish breakfast that he hosted nine months ago for his ideological rival, at which he generously sang his praises - in a spirit of liberal chic, but during a momentary dulling of the senses - was not only one of the worst mistakes he has made in recent years. It was an early seal of approval.

And where is retired chief justice Aharon Barak, the guardian of democracy? And where are the professors? What is there a big demonstration about? Against the Gay Pride parade in Jerusalem. Not on the anniversary of the murder of Yitzhak Rabin, who was killed, in spirit at least, by the newly resurgent right. The sole show of courage on the part of the MKs was to stay away from a Rabin memorial hosted by a president suspected of rape.

What happened to the Israeli response system? Its mechanisms have rusted. In a yearly survey ahead of the Sderot conference this week, the public's level of disappointment with the leadership, and with nearly everything else, reached record heights. And why should it not have, if a single promise given to the nation this year was not kept? One-fourth of Israelis no longer trust the army. And why should they, if the chief of staff refuses to dismiss commanders who failed miserably, or to resign himself? The same army is currently waging a useless campaign in Gaza, as if it has not already tried the same thing in the past and failed time after time. But a large majority still feel that living in Israel is the best. After all, did Olmert not promise that things would be great?

There is a deep and broad failure in recruiting good people for the country's leadership. It is not the existing leadership that is to blame, but rather the voters and the dearth of critics among the elites. Just as Lieberman's de Gaulle is not about to appear in Gaza, there is no sign of any great leader about to appear here. Hence the spreading bleak feeling that nothing can be done, because there are some crises that have no solution, at least not for decades to come. Quite a vision for a public that is losing hope.