In the aftermath of Italian Prime Minister Romano Prodi's visit to Lebanon, weeks after the UN troops deployment in the south of the country, it is useful to assess the approach of the Italian contribution to the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon mission, known as UNIFIL II.

The guiding principle for the Italian government was the conviction that Italy and Europe should not - indeed, could not - shrink from the obligation to try to bring peace to such a strategically crucial area of the Middle East as southern Lebanon. Moreover, another failure to act would have severely compromised the credibility of the European Union and, probably, of the United States as well.

Not that anyone should try to gloss over the real difficulties that continue to beleaguer the EU - indeed, its limitations were evident also in respect of the Lebanon mission. An operation carried out by the European Rapid Reaction Force that was set up in the context of the European Security and Defense Policy would clearly have been preferable, but that, unfortunately, is not how events turned out.

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Even so, the Lebanon affair signals an acknowledgment that the European Union is assuming an important role in international affairs, particularly during the current period of apparent difficulty for the U.S. administration.

We must be fully alert to the change that Resolution 1701 has made to relations between Israel and the international community. For the first time in its difficult history, the security of Israel in respect of a sensitive area such as Lebanon is internationally guaranteed, with European nations playing a fundamental role. The new situation may mark a turning point in the tragic succession of wars and conflict that Israel has faced in the 60 years since its foundation. In the past, Israel has often engaged in successful preventive action, such as the Suez crisis and the Six-Day War.

Yet the question that must be asked with increasing urgency is whether Israel's security can be based on military deterrence alone. The State of Israel has given to its citizens an extraordinary sense of national purpose and the capacity for self-defense, but the political cost of military success is increasingly high.

Israel has to take cognizance of a new reality that is now becoming apparent in the stance of Europe and even the United States, which is that the international community wants to contribute to guaranteeing its security. If this recognition were forthcoming, then we would have a stronger framework for a resumption of the difficult talks between the Israelis and Palestinians.

The Italian parliament and government hope that the atmosphere created by the Lebanon operation will facilitate the conditions for a lasting peace in the entire Middle East. By no means does everything depend on Israel alone, but a farsighted Israeli policy would lend support to Palestinian Authority Chairman Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen) in his efforts to build a government of national unity in Palestine, on a basis which would de facto open the way to the recognition of the State of Israel.

Our hope is that Israel will not freeze the prospect of withdrawal from the West Bank nor opt to provide funding for new settlements in the occupied territories, which would set an enormous obstacle in the way of the possibility of renewed dialogue. Naturally, this appeal to Israel must be accompanied by strong pressure on Syria and Iran in the framework of an incisive diplomatic initiative by the international community.

The U.S. administration itself, faced with the harsh realities of the Iraqi conflict, is becoming increasingly open to the idea that even a superpower needs allies, and that Europe and the United Nations have a role to play; the transatlantic consensus over the deployment of the UNIFIL II mission is a clear example of a renewed sentiment of cooperation.

Naturally, multilateralism will work only if it entails a shared and broad-based assumption of responsibility by the international community as well as a willingness to act with efficacy and promptness. Within the framework of this multilateralism, the international community must be ready to take action and to intervene in defense of human rights, liberty, and political and religious pluralism for all, without prejudice or discrimination, in a spirit of reciprocal respect and in opposition to fanaticism in all forms.

Our ultimate hope is that this European and international commitment will pave the way to a new phase in regional relations in the Middle East and contribute to a new season of stability, peace and hope for all in this land that for too long has been afflicted and despoiled by conflict and suffering.

Umberto Ranieri is the chairman of the Foreign and European Union Affairs Committee of the Italian Chamber of Deputies.