If there is an appropriate time for the Labor Party to split over a matter of principle, the entry of Avigdor Lieberman and Yisrael Beiteinu into the government is the moment. If the party's central committee authorizes Lieberman's inclusion in the government, and in return for this total surrender, the party obtains a minor sop in the form of Ephraim Sneh in the post of deputy defense minister, it must be hoped that those whose political paths thus far have been more respectable, such as Ophir Pines-Paz, Eitan Cabel and Yuli Tamir, will announce that they have no place in such a government.

Amir Peretz has let his voters down in every possible way. During his half year in power, he betrayed his public mission by not taking over a socioeconomic ministry. Instead, he opted for the Defense Ministry, an area in which he never showed any interest or had any involvement in the past. This is also an area in which his ability to influence proved minute, if not downright negative.

Had he agreed to pass up the honor inherent in this position and stuck to promoting the issues for which he was elected, he could, with his talent and experience, have exerted an influence - as education minister or any economy-related minister - and would not have become a person whose opinions have no impact on the matters for which he is responsible.

	Advertisement

If there was a point to the existence of a Kadima-Labor government, in order to further the convergence plan, that has now evaporated. With the inclusion of Lieberman, it is clear that any concessions in the West Bank have been forestalled. Negotiations with the Palestinians are also impossible, even if the Palestinians meet the most stringent preconditions, because a right-wing government has nothing to offer in such negotiations.

Today, it is clear that with the exception of a few houses that will be evacuated from this or that outpost in order to preserve Peretz's honor, this promise from the government's guidelines will also not be kept, making these guidelines indeed "worthless," as Lieberman termed them. Peretz will henceforth belong to a government that is right-wing on both diplomatic and socioeconomic issues, and it is doubtful that he will be able to represent those who elected him on any subject.

Peretz relinquished the last remnants of his influence over diplomatic-security affairs when he agreed to place the sensitive matter of strategic threats in the hands of the least appropriate person. By agreeing to this appointment, he exhibited his absolute lack of understanding in matters of defense, strategy and deterrence. In this way, he bolstered the impression that he is not suitable for the position that he so wanted.

Amir Peretz promised his voters that he would not sit in the same government with Lieberman. This promise was made shortly before the elections, when many voters were debating over whether to support the Labor Party. Unlike other promises, which are hard to insist upon when one is part of a coalition, this is a promise that should be easy to carry out.

Had the Labor Party threatened to pull out from the coalition, Lieberman would not have been able to join. Peretz proved unable even to carry out this minor task, and bought his continued role as partial defense minister at an exorbitant cost. But perhaps the Labor Central Committee will yet prove that party institutions are valuable as critics of the leadership and guardians of the flame, and will prevent this damaging move, whose sole purpose is to preserve the cabinet members' jobs.