Subscribe to Print Edition | Fri., April 10, 2009 Nisan 16, 5769 | | Israel Time: 11:49 (EST+7)   Back to Homepage web haaretz.com Haaretz Toolbar Diplomacy Defense Jewish World Opinion National Print Edition Car Rental Books Haaretz Magazine Business Real Estate Joy of Giving Travel Week's End Anglo File

One of a kind By Gidi Weitz Tags: zahava gal-on, israel news  On Sunday evening, outgoing MK Zahava Gal-On arrived at the President's Residence in Jerusalem for a festive ceremony in which she was given a special award for her efforts to fight human trafficking. After the short cocktail hour, she ascended the podium where, aside from President Shimon Peres, two guests of honor were waiting to present her with the award: Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and Justice Minister Daniel Friedmann. This was a potentially volatile encounter, as over the past three years Gal-On tried repeatedly to knock both Olmert and Friedmann off their high perches. Gal-On politely shook hands with the pair and quietly returned to her seat. She, Olmert and Friedmann will not be with us in the next political go-round, the one that began this week with the swearing-in of the Netanyahu government, although presumably all three are planning to try to stage a comeback at some point. "When I came home and told my husband Pesah I'd given up the spot, he was shocked," she recalled this week. "He said: Your party won't get four seats. And I said: How can you say that? And he said: I'm telling you, you won't get four seats. Remember that." Advertisement Gal-On refused to believe it. On election night, the exit polls predicted that Meretz would receive four seats. Gal-On went to bed and at 3 A.M. was awakened by phone calls informing her that New Movement-Meretz, which had arisen with the encouragement of author Amos Oz and Co., had lost another seat and become a marginal, practically meaningless party. What happened to Meretz? Why did it crash and burn? Gal-On: "The left began to die in 2000 and finally kicked the bucket in 2009. Up to then, I can still say that Meretz did not grovel or seek out the consensus. In the days of [Shulamit] Aloni and [Yossi] Sarid, through its different incarnations, Meretz was a challenging, rebellious and subversive party, and in particular it was not afraid to kick when needed. "During Meretz's glory days under Aloni, when the party won 12 seats, it was at its sharpest, its most infuriating. To me, Meretz is relevant when it's opposed to war, when it's opposed to corruption, when it isn't silent. And the big tragedy is that Meretz became an outmoded, establishment party. I'd go so far as to call it fossilized and boring." What were the most significant breaking points in this process? "The two central milestones were the support for the Second Lebanon War and for the war in Gaza. I was opposed to the Second Lebanon War from the first day. I went to my colleagues in Meretz and told them: There's no argument that the state has a right to defend itself. The argument is about how this right is realized. The fact that it started bombing straightaway without first exhausting diplomatic moves just killed me. But Yossi Beilin, Haim (Jumas) Oron and Avshalom Vilan were very, very militant. Beilin even proposed bombarding Syria if necessary. "The only one who supported my position on the Second Lebanon War was Ran Cohen. But Meretz and its supporters basically stood back and gave legitimacy to it. This is an important point because, in my opinion, it influenced the way Kadima essentially swept up Meretz's votes in the last election. Because what is Meretz's raison d'etre? If it's not courageous and doesn't oppose war - why should people vote for it? What's the difference between Meretz and Kadima? A lot of people who voted for Kadima told me: If Meretz supported the war and Kadima supported the war, then at least I'll support the large party and also block Bibi [Benjamin Netanyahu] at the same time. They didn't see a difference between Jumas and Livni on this issue. "Meretz thought it was cleansing its conscience by supporting the war in the first stage and later, you know, opposing the ground invasion and so on. I told them at every stage: Look, we're going to get run out of town no matter what, if we do this. We can't let ourselves do this. But that's how it went." And what happened before the operation in Gaza? "It's the same pattern of behavior, which is amazing. It's a symptom of a party that is losing its way. Two days before the war in Gaza, when battle cries were already being heard, I told Jumas we have to convene and formulate a stance; I added that I was opposed to a war. We scheduled a meeting for 10:30 A.M. and then I got a phone call from one of the radio reporters, asking for my reaction to Meretz's support for a limited military operation. I couldn't believe my ears. Apparently, the publicists and campaign advisers had dictated the Meretz line - with Jumas' consent." What's the reason for this pattern of behavior that you describe? "The fear of not being popular. It's hard to be unpopular. Believe me, I've been through lots of tough experiences here. When I came out against the war, I got phone calls saying 'How dare you?' and threats and curses. And there were times when I couldn't leave the house before the police came and checked underneath my car. The moment Meretz lets itself be drawn into inflammatory national rhetoric and loses its agenda, it's groveling to the public. By not opposing the war, you're basically trying to satisfy the public's desire. But then you also lose your electorate. As soon as you're part of the national consensus, people say: I'll vote directly for Kadima or Labor. What do I need Jumas for? Can you give other examples of times when you were the lone voice in a faction that was otherwise ready to follow the consensus? "After the abduction of Gilad Shalit, I called for the release of prisoners in return for Shalit's release and then Olmert got up on the podium and said, and I quote, 'MK Gal-On will not bring us down to our knees' - one of those showy statements of his. When I called for [a prisoner exchange for] Shalit's release, the party members were all over me for it. They showed me an article from Ynet, in which I was quoted, and said: 'There are 300 talkbacks against.' This didn't faze me because I say what I think, if I believe it's the right thing. There were lots of times when I said something controversial and was taken to task by the faction. Is it easy? No. Pleasant? No. But mostly it's disappointing, when the faction isn't with you in these struggles. "When Gilad Shalit was abducted, I expected everyone to stand up and say to Olmert: 'Listen, you can't drag this out.' I was also a lone voice in the struggle over the Supreme Court, and against corruption, and in the way I called for President [Moshe] Katzav's dismissal right from the beginning, when I was being told, 'but he's entitled to be presumed innocent.' When you're a lone voice, then you also attract all the anger and hatred of the public, which doesn't like to have an unflattering mirror held up to it." Perhaps the weakening of Meretz derived from the fact that the two-state solution has become more accepted and you didn't wave a new flag - the red flag of an original left? "I think that everyone, consciously or not, was captivated by this idea of supposedly adopting positions for peace. Livni held talks with [former Palestinian Authority prime minister] Abu Ala and Olmert held talks with [PA President] Abu Mazen, but look what happened: You can't say you're conducting a peace process and go to war twice in three years! It's nonsense. They managed to blind the public. They said: We're pursuing a peace process, and making wars. And who reaped the dividends of the wars? The right, of course. "When I examine Kadima and Labor, both of which seemingly adopted Meretz's path, what do I see? A political right, an economic right. They completely support a free-market economy, they take a very hawkish stand on anything to do with the Palestinians - even now concerning the release of Gilad Shalit, which is a terrible, terrible, terrible failure. And all this talk of peace is nothing but empty words." After the Second Lebanon War, says Gal-On, she proposed that Meretz call for Olmert's ouster as prime minister. "The peace coalition convened, but Beilin and Jumas were very much in sync. They told me: No, you can't call for Olmert's ouster. He's just about to strike an agreement with the Palestinians, Annapolis is coming, he's going to meet with [U.S. secretary of state] Condoleezza Rice - woe is us if Bibi comes to power." Olmert won them over with false charm? "Exactly. The left so despised Barak, and rightly so; he earned it honestly. And it so despised Bibi, that it was prepared to overlook Olmert's failures concerning the Second Lebanon War and all his corruption, because Olmert was going to bring them the accord with the Palestinians." Did anyone try to silence your criticism on the corruption issue by arguing, "Ehud's making peace"? "They wouldn't dare tell me to 'keep quiet,' but they'd say: You don't understand. But I didn't pay any heed. I said what I thought at any given moment, from stating my opposition to the war to stating the need to fight Olmert's corruption. But they kept explaining to me that it's going to happen any moment now, that I don't understand at all, that peace talks and meetings are about to commence. "Jumas, and also Beilin to a certain extent, served as supporting players in this process. Jumas actually became a mediator between Olmert and [jailed Fatah leader Marwan] Barghouti. Olmert is very clever and enchanted them. And these are people whose intentions are good, who thought: There's a chance here for an accord. Olmert would invite Jumas and Beilin to meetings, ostensibly involve them in what was happening. But really he was lulling them to sleep. And as soon as he lulled them to sleep, they did the same to the entire peace camp. There was no protest, there were no demonstrations. They lost the passion, they lost the spirit, they lost the spark in the eyes, and as soon as you lose that spark, what you get is stagnation. You become straitjacketed, part of the establishment. Ostensibly, you're in the opposition but, for all intents and purposes, you become part of the governing establishment." Your party coddled Olmert? "The worst thing is that we became coddlers. As for Olmert, I don't think the peace camp can be a refuge for failed leaders. Peace rhetoric is not enough. The moment you make war, continue building settlements, refuse to dismantle illegal outposts - what is the rhetoric worth? The meetings and handshakes are a mere facade. This is something that has made me very critical of the Meretz leadership in the last few years, for collaborating in this." You are describing a feeling of political alienation. Did you ever consider resigning? "I never thought of resigning from Meretz. I voted Ratz and Meretz from the minute I was allowed to vote." Before the last election, with the encouragement of numerous intellectuals, including the "spiritual leaders" of the Zionist left, authors A.B. Yehoshua and Amos Oz, Meretz chairman Haim Oron decided to merge his party with the New Movement. Hopes were high, and at the height of the process, Oz declared: "The Labor Party has concluded its historic role." Gal-On: "With that declaration, Oz ended up burying Labor and Meretz both." How did you find out about the merger with the New Movement? "Jumas had informed me shortly before then that he was exploring the possibility of establishing a broad, new movement that would essentially serve as an alternative to the void created to the left of Labor. I thought it was a good idea, primarily because you have leader who wants to expand the ranks. There was a feeling that they were going to bring in Amos Oz, maybe not for the Knesset, but I understood that very serious people were on the list, though it wasn't entirely clear who they were and how they would be selected. "I'm a big believer in group politics. I think that if you're already expanding the ranks in a non-democratic way, then it should be manifested by giving slots to people who represent groups that are not the classic faces of Meretz - Mizrahim, new immigrants and young people, for instance." Why did you agree to give up your place on the slate? "I ran twice on the Meretz slate. Once I had to obtain a majority of at least 60 percent, because I'd finished eight years in the Knesset; the second time I had to obtain the voters' trust. There was a feeling that some big move was afoot, that there was a new spirit. Now, I'm loyal to the party chairman. I backed him. Because of this, I gave up my place. Of my own free will. No one told me to do it." Was it really of your own free will? No pressure was exerted on you? "I have to say, no pressure was exerted on me. I'm an independent person. From the start, I wanted to be in the first spot on the Meretz Knesset slate, after Jumas. I lost out by 20 votes to Ilan Ghilon, and as soon as I was in the second spot and not the first, it didn't matter much if I moved down another one. The negotiations with the New Movement were about to break down and I thought: What does it really matter? In all modesty, my public image has nothing to do with whether I'm in the third or fourth spot. I never imagined we wouldn't receive four seats." Was there a moment when you felt that the New Movement wasn't meeting expectations? That it wasn't what it was cracked up to be? "There was a very big gap - and I think this also brought about the collapse - between the 'big bang' of Amos Oz and his friends, and the people who were actually brought in, who are good people, but they weren't able to bring any real added value: There was no actual difference between them and the classic Meretz. There was a sense that for the New Movement people, the conflict wasn't with the right, but rather with Ehud Barak. Hatred of Barak is no substitute for standing for something, for proposing a path and ideas." You were head of public relations (hasbara) for the Meretz campaign and chose to focus it on Jumas, a worthy person, certainly, but - how to put this delicately? - somewhat lacking in charisma. Wasn't that a mistake? "I headed the hasbara department with Tzali Reshef, but the ones who determined Meretz's hasbara moves were the publicists and campaign strategists, who really dictated to Jumas which line to take. I opposed this move. It's very hard to say in a meeting, where the chairman is also present, that staking everything on a personal campaign is a mistake. We weren't running for the prime minister's job, after all. It could be done when it's clear you have the potential to be the third-largest party, but by then it was clear this wasn't the case either." You didn't figure very prominently in the election campaign. "They kept me hidden in the campaign. They were always telling me: No, it's not a good idea, you might scare off voters, you make people angry, you can be annoying. We'll put Jumas up there; he's acceptable, he's a consensus figure. He was the one on the posters on the sides of buses. It wasn't me who scared voters away. "I felt the whole time that I was carrying Meretz on my narrow shoulders during the Knesset term. What I mean is, if I didn't speak out or take action against [justice minister Daniel] Friedmann, against Olmert's corruption, and 80,000 other things, then I felt like Meretz didn't exist. I prefer a Meretz that annoys people and says things and produces debate - that produces an agenda. They put Jumas up there, and he really is a nice guy, he's a good person in the full sense of the word, but it didn't do the job." Right after the election, two conflicting petitions were drawn up in the battered party: In one, hundreds of Meretz members and supporters called on Oron to step down and make room in the Knesset for Zahava Gal-On. Another petition, signed by Yossi Beilin and Shulamit Aloni, as well as Yair Tzaban - all former Meretz leaders - supported Oron's continuation as party leader. At a conference (which was closed to the media) held by the Meretz leadership following the defeat, Oron responded to the calls for his resignation thus: "I have a different understanding of the concept of responsibility. For me, responsibility means working to rehabilitate Meretz." The debacle at the polls left Meretz in an unprecedented situation: without a single woman representative in the Knesset. Activists in women's organizations got together to urge Nitzan Horowitz to "return" to Gal-On the spot she'd given up for him. All of these appeals angered people in the movement's leadership. Ghilon, in the second spot on the party slate, was quoted as saying: "There is an organized and orchestrated campaign happening here on the part of Zahava's people, and it's infuriating, because we are in political mourning." It's been alleged that you were behind the campaign to oust Oron. "First of all, I have to say the election results were a shock on the public level and on the personal level. The amazing thing is that the move to oust Jumas was started by someone who was not a supporter of [former Foreign Ministry director-general] Alon Liel, who came to Meretz with Beilin. After the election, there was a flurry of e-mails, and then Liel wrote he was starting a petition. The absurd thing is that I even had to defend myself. I didn't call for Jumas to go. If I initiated any move like that, I'd stand behind it. I tend to stand behind whatever I do. The call for Jumas' resignation was an expression of people's spontaneous feelings, which had nothing to do with me." You're pretty much trapped: If you were to call on Jumas to go, people would say it stemmed from your desire to return to the Knesset. Still, what would you have done if you were in his shoes? "I know how I would have behaved if I were in his place." Have you had a chance to have a heart-to-heart with him? "Just a very general conversation, because it seems to me like wading into a swamp. I didn't want to get into it. In the beginning I was stunned and surprised, hurt and disappointed, but immediately afterward, I processed it. I understood this was the situation and was not about to start fighting for my spot. I'm an optimistic person by nature, I'm full of energy. I can see how people from the left were stunned that Meretz collapsed, but I never imagined the intensity of the public reaction to my failure to get elected. I received close to 700 text messages and more than 1,000 phone calls. My sons came home to help me answer them all. "The most incredible thing is that people who don't belong to my camp wrote to me. You know how I came out against the settlers and the Likudniks and the Shasniks, on all kinds of issues. I have to show you the letters and messages I received - from people telling me, 'I'm a member of Likud, we have different views, but it just can't be that you won't be in the Knesset.' You wouldn't believe what went on." And what about Nitzan Horowitz? You very courteously made way for him, but he didn't return the favor. "That's true." So what now? Was Meretz just a passing episode? "I really don't think so. Meretz can still regain its agenda and its relevance. The left needs, without being embarrassed or apologizing about it, to be the antithesis of Lieberman. The antithesis of the right. The polar opposite to Lieberman and what he represents. Another thing: Just because the right adopted the 'two states for two peoples' stance in a very general way doesn't mean that in practical terms they are moving toward realization of this idea. Besides, I truly think that the left needs to redefine itself and air itself out. Meretz lost the public's trust. We became Mapainiks. "I also think that the 'little bang' that occurred in Labor last week cannot be ignored. In general, there was a 'little bang' on the left: People went from Meretz to Kadima, from Labor to Kadima, from Meretz to Hadash. What has to happen after this is for new connections to be formed." What are you getting at? A new party with potential deserters from the evaporating Labor Party? With social activists like Shelly Yachimovich and Amir Peretz? "I'm not ruling that out. I'm speaking, of course, about Meretz, because I am in Meretz, but I do not rule out new connections in anticipation of the next election. In civil society there are human rights organizations, women's organizations and the green organizations ... and they need to be represented in Meretz. And I would like to head something like that. "The vacuum needs to be filled in a Knesset that's going to be without any substantial opposition, which will be led by a Kahanist and ultra-Orthodox government, by the establishment of a common front to protect society and democracy. We need to work to halt the erosion in the civil arena, against infringement of human rights and of the rights of oppressed groups, and to change the order of priorities in the economic and social spheres. I'm convinced the left can recover and win back the public trust if it will only return to its true self." What about the Palestinian issue? "We have to tell the public that we have a problem with the Palestinians. What we thought would happen didn't happen so quickly. I think it's an urgent interest of ours to end the occupation: both morally and in terms of what's in Israel's best interest. But there's a problem. What are we proposing to our public? Should we just tell them again that we're going to talk with Abu Mazen? I'm in favor of talking with Abu Mazen, but it's like 'giving full gas in neutral.' I, for example, think that we need to reach a long-term cease-fire with Hamas. At the moment I don't see any basis for a dialogue with Hamas about a peace agreement. Maybe we have to think about the entry of a multinational force that would serve as a buffer between Israel and the Palestinians in Gaza, whose role would be both security policing and economic rehabilitation." Are you in favor of a serious accord with Hamas? "Possibly, if it would be a cease-fire. I don't rule that out. If, in the end, the Palestinian public decides that Hamas is its representative, we'll have to reach an accord with them." Zahava Gal-On, married and mother of two grown sons, entered the Knesset in 1999 and stood out immediately for her extensive parliamentary activity. Among her achievements: the law prohibiting human trafficking, an amendment to the law to prevent domestic violence, the High Court petition that led to the publication of the Winograd Committee protocols, and more. Also entering the Knesset at the same time, for the Likud, was a woman who was uncomfortable making small talk in the Knesset cafeteria and was not good at making simple human gestures. Her name was Tzipi Livni. Now you're out and she's a natural candidate for prime minister. "I wish her the best. I have my criticisms of her, such as that the day before the election, she let the 'gender genie' out of the bottle and made cynical use of it, to gain women's votes. But I wish her well." What are your plans? "Right now I don't have any solid political plan. I'm not going to go into business either. I'm going to deal with issues that are on the public agenda. I relate to the fact that I'm not in the Knesset now as a kind of time-out that's been imposed on me. I would like to come back, I would like to head Meretz, but in the meantime I'll keep on working to defend human rights. That's my main agenda." Did you suffer any withdrawal symptoms upon leaving the Knesset? "I think it was a type of mourning. The way so many people called me, it was a little like a shiva, and everyone used that word, too." Not everyone was on your side. There were some who said after the election that you are a part of Meretz's problem, that you turn off certain groups of people. They say that you're radical, self-righteous, an Arab-lover. In talkbacks, for example, you can find waves of hatred toward you. "I'm sure some of that is true, I'm not a person who's in the consensus. And I live with that in peace, because I have to live in peace with myself, with what I say. But I want to remind you that in this last election, they kept me hidden. The moment Meretz did not emphasize all the feminist achievements - and I don't think there was any other MK who worked on behalf of these issues the way I did - the moment it didn't highlight these achievements, it gave more legitimacy to criticism of me."W Bookmark to del.icio.us   A plague on Egypt Report: Iran behind planned terror attacks against targets in Egypt by Hezbollah. Determined diplomacy Obama: U.S. 'strongly supports' two-state solution, vows to continue peace process.

Read & React Obama team readying for clash with Netanyahu Responses: 389 U.S. reiterates commitment to two-state solution after Lieberman remarks Responses: 121 Biden: Israel would be 'ill-advised' to attack Iran Responses: 96 At least 16 hurt in clash between Bat Ayin settlers, Palestinians Responses: 84 More Headlines 02:28 Israel: No objection to West's talks with Tehran 11:27 ANALYSIS / Iran's prints are all over alleged Egypt terror ring 11:48 Deputy FM: Obama's Ankara speech did not favor Annapolis 11:26 'Iron Dome rocket defense system will be operational by 2010' 03:55 Air traffic down, but Pesach tourism still bustling 03:59 AG: Health checks not excuse to defer Olmert corruption hearing 22:46 WATCH: Daily news round-up from Israel 19:22 'Jerusalem should be capital for the Palestinians and Israel' 04:28 Israeli killed in Italy earthquake flown home for Friday funeral 20:53 WATCH: Did Barack Obama bow to Saudi King Abdullah? 05:29 Settlers, Palestinians clash after memorial for boy killed by terrorist 05:48 Sinn Fein's Gerry Adams: Gaza is an open-air prison 14:11 Britain's anti-terror chief resigns over arrests blunder Previous Editions Select Day 09 apr 08 apr 07 apr 06 apr 05 apr 03 apr 02 apr 01 apr 31 mar 30 mar 29 mar 27 mar

Special Offers Advertisement Spring Specials-Dan Hotels Jerusalem from 179$. Tel-Aviv from 223$. Herzliya from 336$ Dead Sea Skin Care Quality cosmetics from the Dead Sea. Coupon code HAARETZ for 12% off! Camp Kimama Israel 2009 The best place for your children this summer Eldan Rent a Car Israel's leading car rental company offers you a 20% discount on online reservations Jewish Singles Personal Ads Find the love of your life on JDate.com Junkyard Junk a car - get free towing nationwide and a tax-deductible receipt

Home | TV | Print Edition | Diplomacy | Opinion | Arts & Leisure | Sports | Jewish World | | Israel 2009 election results

Site rules | Makom: Engaging on Israel | Search engine marketing

Haaretz.com, the online edition of Haaretz Newspaper in Israel, offers real-time breaking news, opinions and analysis from Israel and the Middle East. Haaretz.com provides extensive and in-depth coverage of Israel, the Jewish World and the Middle East, including defense, diplomacy, the Arab-Israeli conflict, the peace process, Israeli politics, Jerusalem affairs, international relations, Iran, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, the Palestinian Authority, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, the Israeli business world and Jewish life in Israel and the Diaspora.

© Copyright  Haaretz. All rights reserved