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Religious Zionism has not disengaged
By Yair Sheleg
Tags: IDF, israel news 

Despite the disinclination to delve into the social distribution of fallen soldiers, it is impossible to ignore the chilling coincidence: The first five troops felled in the Gaza ground operation last Monday and Tuesday included one Druze, Yusuf Muadi, and four men - Dvir Emmanueloff, Nitai Stern, Jonathan Netanel and Dagan Vertman - from the religious Zionist community. Two of the four lived in settlements.

The tragic fact that more names will be added to the monuments slightly diluted the harsh, almost brutal significance of this state of affairs, but it is still difficult to ignore. A person not familiar with the religious Zionist community, whose only source of information is the media, may be amazed: How does their significant presence on the front lines jibe with all the talk of dropping desire to enlist, assaulting officers and such since the disengagement?

It would appear that these statements forebode religious Zionism's disengagement and rebellion against the state, but nonetheless community members are prominent in combat units. The simple answer is that these statements are creating a diversion. They focus on the unusual, the "man bites dog." Those calling for disengagement from the state and shirking conscription are a tiny minority. In fact, that minority may have attracted attention not only because some people seek to cast religious Zionism as a whole in a rebellious light (since such a motive does exist), but also by virtue of the astonishment at how this sector, so distinguished in its affinity for the state and its willingness to contribute, changed from ultra-Zionist to post-Zionist, even anti-Zionist.
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But we must acknowledge that attributing this phenomenon to a minority is not the whole story. While most religious youth are enthusiastic about enlisting in combat units, some state openly that they would refuse orders to evacuate settlements. Those same youths distinguish between the people and the state, which they seek to serve, and the government, from whom they will not accept orders they deem illegitimate. They thus enlist in the Golani, Givati, Paratroopers and elite special forces units.

In addition, some of those youths believe their very willingness to volunteer for combat units justifies their refusal to evacuate settlements. They consider it inconceivable that their reward for service will be the evacuation of their homes or those of their friends. They also detect hypocrisy on the part of those who demand they take a more diplomatic position and absorb the state's blows, when those same people have undermined the very ethos of the Zionist establishment. They also note how the violent confrontations with IDF soldiers in Bil'in garner far less media coverage than the clashes at the House of Contention in Hebron.

Thus, just as not every religious youth will necessarily rebel against the state, not every enthusiastic draftee is sworn not to rebel. This does not mean that the state ought to avoid drafting those who backed refusing orders at age 16. Experience shows that people who grow up in the settlements are influenced by the prevailing mood there, but change their perspectives once they reach the army, where they are exposed to idealists with other viewpoints, and the hierarchical military setting, which mandates accepting the authority of the civilian leadership. A more stringent stance ought to be taken against those who continue to adhere to insubordination even well into their army service, particularly if they are candidates for officer posts.
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