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The intifada was planned in advance

Brig. Gen. (res.) Yossi Kuperwasser, former head of the research unit in Military Intelligence (MI), rejects all the accusations against the research unit under his command:

The disengagement: "MI never adjusted its assessment to what the leadership wanted. Indeed, our view of the implications of the disengagement was that it would be construed as an achievement for terrorism. But in the long term we thought that pressure would mount on the organization to stop perpetrating terror from the Gaza Strip and to become part of the government (as in fact happened). Repeatedly we pointed out the organization's commitment to the 'armed struggle' idea. Everything we said was based on insights derived from intelligence material."
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Palestinian Authority election: "We completely ruled out the possibility of a Fatah victory and instead put forward two main possibilities: a tie or an impressive victory by Hamas, which would lead to the creation of 'Hamastan.' We tried to persuade the decision makers to prevent the movement's participation in the election or even to cancel the election, to avert a Hamas victory. All the discussions before the election were conducted on the basis of the working assumption that Hamas would emerge with a significant achievement and might even win."

George W. Bush letter and the road map: "The question of whether the letter will remain valid in the future was definitely asked, both by me and by others. The fact that it is difficult to provide a clear answer does not detract from the letter's importance. By the same token, a president could also disavow a commitment to the Palestinians. I don't recall the director of MI being persuaded to make light of the road map. I do recall that we took a very active part in the committee that formulated Israel's response to the document and treated it very seriously."

Yasser Arafat and the intifada: "I did not say that Arafat did not want an agreement. He was ready for an agreement on his terms - terms Israel could not possibly accept. I assume that all the assessments about Arafat's behavior in August and September 2000 were written by Lavie. In Central Command, where I was then serving as the intelligence officer, our assessment was that the Palestinians were bent on a confrontation, and we deploy ed accordingly. The claim that Marwan Barghouti was taken by surprise [by the eruption of the intifada] is absolutely ridiculous. Barghouti himself related how the events on the Temple Mount were planned ahead of Ariel Sharon's visit and how the Palestinian leadership was quick to exploit them in order to launch a campaign that was planned in advance.

"On the day after the start of the intifada the Palestinian Information Ministry had already issued the first leaflet of a joint forum of all the Palestinian organizations headed by Barghouti, calling for an escalation of the confrontation, and afterward directed the violence. Mamduh Nofal, one of Arafat's closest advisers, described how the decision on the outbreak of the campaign had been made: 'It [the intifada] is not a mass movement separate from the PA, nor did it erupt by itself. On the contrary: It started on the basis of a decision from above by the PA before it became popular activity." (Akiva Eldar)
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