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The substance of semantics By Elie Podeh Tags: peace plan, palestinians  The recent debate in the pages of Haaretz over the clause dealing with the question of Palestinian refugees in the Saudi peace initiative (Matti Steinberg on November 30, Daniel Schueftan on December 5 and Alexander Yakobson on December 7) reflects the traditional manner in which Israeli society deals with changes on the Arab side of the table. This is a textual, philological approach, which focuses on analysis of the given text - whether an agreement, initiative, letter or just a speech - according to a mistaken understanding that the "correct" interpretation would provide us an answer as to how to deal with the issue in question. Still, as a textual approach is by nature open to interpretation, it grants an advantage to those who raise doubts and misgivings. A quick glance at the Arab-Israeli conflict (and the Palestinian issue in particular) teaches us that Israeli society has grappled with these textual conflicts at several key junctures of change over the history of that conflict. Advertisement For example, the political program adopted by the Palestinian National Council in June 1974, which called for the creation of an "independent combatant national authority for the people over every part of Palestinian territory that is liberated," opened a comprehensive debate over whether that meant the Palestine Liberation Organization had given up its goal of liberating all of historic Palestine, or whether it was simply "the same old lady, but with a new robe," in light of the call elsewhere in the document to continue the struggle to liberate all of the land. In historical perspective, we know that that was the beginning of the change in the PLO's stance, which manifested itself in the acceptance of UN Security Council Resolution 242 in 1988 and laid the foundation for the signing of the Oslo Accords. Another debate was held in the wake of the accords over whether the PLO had effectively canceled the Palestinian National Covenant. Middle Eastern studies scholars were recruited to the cause of interpreting texts produced by Yasser Arafat and the Palestinian National Council, to decipher whether indeed a change had occurred in the Palestinians' stance, or they were simply looking at a mirage. Either way, in hindsight, the covenant remained an historic document which has little relevance in today's reality. The Israeli tendency to focus on textual interpretation can be viewed as the direct extension of Jewish culture, which always included debates over canonical texts in the Torah, Mishna, Gemara and other books. Still, in practice, the focus on textual interpretation diverts one's attention from the principal matter - debate over the significance of the document in question. Discussion of the text allows those involved in it, especially those opposed to or suspicious of the document in question, to emphasize its negative points and thus downgrade its importance. This emphasis of the negative points of a potentially positive document reflects a primeval fear of contending with potential changes in the other side's stance, which would demand a real confrontation with the significance of those changes. Back to the Saudi peace initiative: It seems that the Israeli discussion of it, which began almost seven years ago, has passed through three stages. The first was ignoring the initiative, the second was emphasizing its flaws and the current stage includes partial recognition in the importance of the historic change in the Arab position. Opponents continue to hold fast to points in it that are likely to raise controversy, indicating the depth of Jewish analytical understanding. Due to the complicated debate over the issue of Palestinian refugees, or any other specific issues (such as withdrawal to the 1967 borders, including East Jerusalem), it must be noted that the Saudi initiative is not an organized, detailed peace plan, but a possible road map that sets out an Arab consensus in order to arrive at a complex, extended dialogue that would lead to a more detailed peace agreement. For example, the agreement does not deal at all with the West Bank settlements, but is there any doubt that this will be the central issue in any negotiations? In other words, the initiative must be seen as advancing political negotiations, particularly in a period of stagnation on the Israeli-Palestinian track, and the transition of power in the United States, Israel and possibly the Palestinian Authority. In the Middle Eastern negotiating culture, the distance between initial declarations and offers and a final peace agreement is usually large. Still, in comparison to the long path trodden by the Arab side in adopting the peace initiative, it could be that the distance may not be so long after all. If we can indeed identify a significant change in the Arab world's approach to Israel since the 1967 Six-Day War, if the "three no's" of that year's Arab League summit in Khartoum have turned into the "three yes's" of the 2002 summit in Beirut, then direct negotiations with Israel may be possible. Recognition of Israel, and the establishment of "normal relations" following a peace agreement with it would epitomize these developments, even if we are not entirely reconciled to the Saudi peace initiative's wording. Elie Podeh is head of the Islamic and Middle Eastern Studies Department at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. Bookmark to del.icio.us   Fighting hate online YouTube reaches out to the Anti-Defamation League for help in fighting hate clips. 'Camp Deheisheh' Two college students, Jewish and Muslim, practice peace in the West Bank refugee camp.

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