Subscribe to Print Edition | Thu., September 25, 2008 Elul 25, 5768 | | Israel Time: 20:51 (EST+7)
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From wimp to winner
By Aluf Benn
Tags: Tzipi Livni, Kadima, Israel

The message Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni has imparted on the Kadima leadership and brought to the gates of the Prime Minister's Bureau can be summed up in four words: "I'm not Ehud Olmert." I am clean, I am not a manipulator, I am not a backslapper and I don't do cronyism. I come from Tel Aviv, not Jerusalem. I go for runs on the Hatzuk beach, not in the Jerusalem Forest. I play the drums at parties. I don't sit in the VIP box at Beitar soccer games. I talk to Ahmed Qureia and not to Mahmoud Abbas.

It is relatively easy to replace the least popular kid in the classroom. From the day he succeeded Ariel Sharon, Prime Minister Ehud Olmert has been haunted by unflattering comparisons to his predecessor. The media assassinated him by asking questions the likes of "What would Arik have done?" and constantly recalled the days of the popular prime minister who was awash in the public's love, even after he'd changed his policies. Sharon's advisors and confidants, whom Olmert expelled from their influential positions, regrouped around Livni in her campaign to replace the prime minister.

Setting herself apart from Olmert was an excellent move for Livni, winning her support in public opinion polls as the prime minister became increasingly embroiled in numerous affairs, losing his public standing. Livni's call for his resignation after the release of the interim Winograd Committee report and her subsequent decision to stay in the government when he refused to step down were depicted at the time as wimpish. Tzipiblablah, they said back then, threatens but doesn't follow through.
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In hindsight, however, that confrontation turned her into Olmert's chief rival - as the prime minister's political collapse proceeded apace, her image only improved. This development was not related to her own actions: Had it not been for the [U.S. businessman Morris] Talansky and Rishon Tours affairs, Olmert may well have continued with business as usual. It was the investigations that undermined his rule, and Livni was in the right place at the right time to reap the benefits.

Alone at the top

Now she will have to scour for a new message - that is, if she manages to put together a coalition quickly and replaces Olmert as prime minister. The public will soon forget Olmert and will demand that she resolve the country's problems; it won't help her to blame her predecessor. Defense Minister Ehud Barak learned this lesson during the past year. Everyone breathed a sigh of relief when the decorated general replaced the amateurish Amir Peretz at the Defense Ministry, but Barak has found it difficult to translate this into a rise in public popularity - even though he in effect became the government's strongman, bringing about Olmert's ouster and triggering the process of replacing Kadima's leadership.

Livni will remain alone at the top, and in situations such as these, new leaders become tempted into believing that they got there on their own, by virtue of their unique qualifications. Livni must not become intoxicated by victory. She will have to maintain the discipline that characterized her campaign when she is in the Prime Minister's Bureau, surrounding herself with a good and harmonious staff of aides, and she will have to rely on her political colleagues as well.

These are the necessary conditions for political survival - as Olmert's experience has shown - but they alone are not sufficient. Livni will also have to learn that in real life one has to ask for and also return favors. Maybe she has already learned that lesson from her alliance with Finance Minister Roni Bar-On and MK Tzachi Hanegbi, who held her hand during the race for Kadima chair. She had best not hurry in dismissing the "ranch people" from Sharon's heyday. She will need them in the coalition negotiations and also afterward, to handle crises and prepare for the general election against Likud MK Benjamin Netanyahu. There is nothing that energizes Eyal Arad, Reuven Adler and Lior Horev more than the fight against Bibi [Netanyahu]. Livni will also need Yisrael Maimon, both as an expert advisor and a liaison with Shas and with President Shimon Peres, Olmert's friend.

Livni's immediate problem will be that, for now, Olmert isn't going anywhere. As long as he keeps showing up for work, he will continue in his efforts to achieve an agreement with Abbas, and maybe with the Syrians as well. In his summary of the negotiations with the Palestinians at the Knesset's Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee this week, he went further than ever in his willingness to compromise. His statement that the territorial price for an agreement "will bring us very close to a formula of one for one" was astounding. Past governments have fallen for far less than that. And now, Israel's prime minister is declaring his intention of withdrawing from the entire West Bank, his willingness to participate in a solution for the refugees, the need to establish an international mechanism for the issue of Jerusalem - and no one is listening.

At Sunday's government meeting, Olmert said that Barak's Camp David proposals for a division of Jerusalem were very important. I didn't divide the capital, Barak replied, but Olmert insisted: "It was very important." His statements were designed to ensure that no one would accuse him of making concessions without having the necessary authority. Thus far Livni has behaved as though Olmert's negotiations are of no concern to her and she is committed only to her parallel talks with Qureia. However, she will very quickly discover that in diplomatic talks - as is true of a police questioning under caution - everything you say is recorded and can be held against you.

The experience from Camp David and Taba shows that peace proposals are never taken off the table. The international community will not allow Livni to shelve Olmert's proposals, which will become the basis for future discussion. Livni had best learn these proposals in detail and get up to date on the Syrian track, in which the Turks are reporting detailed discussions between the teams. So far, we haven't had to intervene to offer bridging proposals, relates a Turkish source, because Israelis and Syrians have surprised each other with their degree of seriousness and openness.

But the real test for Livni will not be managing the Prime Minister's Bureau or even continuing the peace talks, but rather the next security crisis. And there will be one. Definitely. Then all her actions will be thoroughly scrutinized to see whether and how much she is perspiring before she decides, and what decision she will take. Will she stand behind her past declarations that it is necessary to forcefully respond to every Qassam? Will she be tempted hastily embarking on a military action, to appear sufficiently tough and security-savvy? Or will she waver and risk being criticized as a wimp?

Sitting in the same room will be Defense Minister Barak, who disparagingly called her "Tzipora" and said she is incapable of taking such decisions, neither at 3 A.M. nor at 3 P.M. He will be watching her closely and she will know it; and she will look around and realize she has no one to rely on. Only herself. She would do well to prepare herself for this moment, starting right now.
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  1.   All these things are nice but Livni didn`t win the peoples vote 16:52  |  Livni didn`t win 19/09/08
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