Subscribe to Print Edition | Mon., September 08, 2008 Elul 8, 5768 | | Israel Time: 02:23 (EST+7)
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By Haaretz Editorial
Tags: basic law, knesset 

Exactly one year ago, Justice Minister Daniel Friedmann told Haaretz: "I do not want to change Basic Law: The Judiciary hastily, but with careful consideration and as part of an organized, comprehensive public debate." The organized, comprehensive debate has yet to take place, yet Friedmann nonetheless decided, in a last-minute underhanded move, one week before the government's resignation, to bring the proposed change to Basic Law: The Judiciary for the cabinet's approval this morning.

It just so happens that in the final days of this government's term, a time during which the attorney general requested restraint and moderation in decision making, Friedmann and the prime minister elected to submit to a vote the change that would usher in the anti-constitutional revolution the justice minister has sought to advance since he first entered office. While the Knesset's Labor Party members are expected to vote against the proposal this morning, the Pensioners and Shas will back Friedmann. There is no way of knowing how the votes will be split within the agenda-less party known as Kadima. This vote will be a test for those vying for Kadima's leadership. This morning will tell which one of the candidates possesses sound judgment and which one of them understands that the very act of bringing forth the proposal for a vote today is improper.

It is impossible to underestimate the importance of a vote on Basic Law: The Judiciary, since it will likely give rise to a process that will occupy the Knesset long after Ehud Olmert and Friedmann have left the scene. The amendment the cabinet will be asked to vote on is, in effect, designed to prevent the High Court's judicial review of laws legislated by the Knesset. If MKs can revive laws that were struck down by the Supreme Court with only a 61-MK majority, it would be reasonable to assume that such a majority - which is smaller than that proposed by Haim Ramon and Yaakov Neeman - could easily be mustered. No sitting government would have a problem winning a coalitional majority whose support it enjoys in the Knesset.
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Even though the courts are in no hurry to strike down laws - which they have done only six times to date - their ability to do so is a basic component of constitutional government. If the Knesset can legislate any law it sees fit, if it is able to harm human rights or the structure of democratic rule, if it can damage the principle of equality among citizens, and if it can reenact laws that were annulled with a mere 61-MK majority, it will violate the all-important balance between the different branches of government, thereby endowing the Knesset with unlimited power to trample human rights according to the whims of its members.

Friedmann gets angry at the suggestion that this morning's vote is an "underhanded maneuver" because he believes it is impossible to expect incumbent government ministers not to make crucial decisions - even if the government has only one week left to rule. Friedmann is undoubtedly a justice minister with an agenda. In fact, he is just about the only minister in the Olmert government who entered his job with a clear set of priorities, and who indefatigably worked to realize those ambitions. Even if his motives are pure and professional, and even if there are ministers who support him for practical reasons, it is verboten for the government to vote in favor of such a fundamental, constitutional change - especially during its last cabinet meeting - just as it would be incomprehensible for a resigning government to decide to attack Iran tomorrow, or to return the Golan Heights to Syria.
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