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What is required to be a prime minister
By Zeev Sternhell
Tags: IDF, Israel, Kadima

One day in May 1967, prime minister Levi Eshkol, at the time still the defense minister as well, visited the forward headquarters of Armored Corps commander Yisrael Tal. Under the camouflage nets, maps and battle scenarios were spread out and the division commander presented his plan. The plan was of crucial importance because Tal's division was the Israel Defense Forces' spearhead, and the entire land battle depended on its success or failure.

Eshkol listened to Tal attentively and then asked how one could be certain that the breakthrough would succeed and the Egyptian front would collapse. And in fact, then as now that is the question that should keep the prime minister awake on the eve of a decision: What are the chances the plan presented to him will be carried out, and why should he believe what he is told?

Levi Eshkol was not a military man, and was familiar with security issues only via the budget. On the eve of the war he was not interested in the blue arrows and the other marks on the maps, but he knew how to ask the right questions. The wisdom of this prime minister, who didn't hasten to order a premature attack, contributed to the victory and granted Israel broad and valuable international legitimacy. Wisdom and good judgment, like that also demonstrated by Yitzhak Shamir in the Gulf War, are the basic traits of a prime minister, and there is no reason to assume that military men have been blessed with them more than ordinary citizens. Many people believe that Moshe Arens was an outstanding defense minister, whereas Moshe Dayan's weakness was revealed even before the Yom Kippur War, when he was incapable of holding his own when confronting Golda Meir on the question of opening the Suez Canal and the proper method of defending Sinai.
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In light of the Kadima primary and the preparations for the general elections, which are apparently not far off, there is particular interest in observing the conduct of the military men in politics. In fact, what really remains of the generals and lieutenant generals when they remove their uniforms and are cut down to size, without feathers and decorations and without being able to hide behind the coded language of those in the know? The issue is important not only because of the status that military men demand for themselves in politics, but also to learn what can be expected from those still commanding the army and causing ordinary citizens to succumb to their authority.

Former chief of staff and defense minister Shaul Mofaz achieved his status only thanks to Yitzhak Mordechai's hatred of Matan Vilnai. Had Mofaz been not appointed chief of staff, he would never have become defense minister. In civilian life Mofaz was outstanding not only in his mediocrity, but in his absence of character and loyalty. It is doubtful whether anyone has heard an original idea from this nondescript person. He boasts of his experience, but experience cannot make up for a lack of inspiration or opportunism, like his betrayal of Likud just as he was running to become the party's leader.

The same is true of Uzi Dayan, a repulsive and pathetic figure, which demonstrates that when the fighter becomes a civilian, courage, determination and sticking to the goal melt away like an ice cream cone forgotten on the beach. Even Ami Ayalon, a worthy, decent and honest man, is not a dizzying success: Military experience teaches very little about behavior patterns or leadership ability outside a hierarchical organization.

The saddest case, because it reflects a missed opportunity for all society, is that of Ehud Barak. With his talent, intelligence and broad horizons, Barak is superior to all the military men who entered politics in the past generation. But life has pampered him too much. Barak is a prominent representative of an entire generation that had it easy, so he has no patience for routine political work, lacks the tolerance a leader needs, and is insensitive to society's ills. The instinct of battling injustice is foreign to him, so there is no reason why people who have not been fortunate should trust him.

The bottom line is that the military hothouse is not preparation for leading the country. As leader of the Democratic Movement for Change party, Yigal Yadin became a joke, when Dayan tested his strength independently he failed totally, and it is hard to admire Ariel Sharon's "achievements" via the settlements, from the first Lebanon war to the Gaza disengagement. Even Yitzhak Rabin's success was very partial: We must admit that after 60 years of the state's existence the yield is not impressive.
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  1.   Right on the mark 04:30  |  Isaiah 30/08/08
  2.   I couldn`t agree more 10:21  |  S 30/08/08
  3.   What is required to be a PM ? 14:22  |  DT 30/08/08
  4.   wrong because of no military experience we lost the last war 01:22  |  ralph 31/08/08
  5.   The Language is the Mirror of the Man 10:05  |  Shalom Freedman 31/08/08
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