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Illuminating the gray area
By Haaretz Editorial
Tags: Ehud Barak, Ehud Olmert 

Last week, Labor Party Chairman and Defense Minister Ehud Barak stumbled into an embarrassing situation that speaks volumes not only about the man, but also about the entire political system. Barak was forced to answer questions following media revelations of his wife's business proposal to potential clients of her consulting firm. As far as is known the offer was not illegal, and members of the press who got wind of it refrained from reporting pending a further examination of the facts.

From the moment the matter hit the newsstands, however, the Baraks reversed course and pulled the offer in an effort to remove any trace of the story from the day's agenda. Barak later confirmed that the story was indeed relevant to the public, despite the legal nuances.

Barak is acting against the backdrop of the imminent indictment of Ehud Olmert. For the first time in the history of the state, criminal allegations against an incumbent prime minister will pass through all the requisite stages - a police investigation, followed by an indictment recommendation from the state prosecutor and attorney general - and will ultimately wind up in court before a judge.
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In the immediate term, this development will certainly raise the bar for those who seek the nation's top office. Candidates for prime minister will henceforth be required to demonstrate a high level of incorruptibility. The days when our would-be leaders were only asked to present their political views, philosophies, platforms, experiences and traits are long gone, for it will be of no use if they engage in the same conduct that ultimately brought down Olmert.

At the height of the public uproar over the investigations, Olmert's supporters lobbied hard for Israel to adopt a model used in some states- though not all - whereby investigations of sitting heads of state are put off until after they leave office. The position of prime minister is not a refuge for criminals fearful of investigations into their activities. It is vital to maintain the status quo, which, thanks to the Olmert precedent, may be sufficient to deter those who are anxious that the glare of the public spotlight will reveal darker episodes from their past.

The problem, alas, is not limited to the realm of criminal behavior. Equally daunting is the difficulty of delimiting the gray area defining the boundaries of public ethics and norms. The current mechanisms in place, particularly the regulations that obligate government ministers (who are also subject to the state comptroller's supervision) and the Knesset's Ethics Committee, have thus far failed in their intended roles as adequate impediments. Indeed, public figures are entitled to their privacy, but anyone seeking a position of authority accepts certain infringements on privacy, the presence of bodyguards being the most glaring example.

Full, detailed, updated and frequent disclosures of the assets and interests, both financial and political, of public figures and their kin must not only be kept in the state comptroller's safe. Rather, they should also be vetted by a blue-ribbon panel. Members of such a committee, to be headed by a retired Supreme Court justice, would be bound by a confidentiality agreement similar to those obtaining between doctors and patients and between lawyers and clients. The public figure must know, however, that blatant inconsistencies between a declared statement and behavior will result in disciplinary action.

Anyone wishes to win election and gain the public's trust in leading it must be aware that they are expected to prove not only extraordinary talent but also a willingness to assume extraordinary responsibility, above and beyond the responsibility to the voter.

It goes without saying that a leader is prohibited from entering the pitch-dark realm of criminal behavior. It was hitherto unclear that the gray area is also out of bounds.
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