Subscribe to Print Edition | Thu., August 07, 2008 Av 6, 5768 | | Israel Time: 21:19 (EST+7)
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Three-way game
By Zvi Bar'el
Tags: Israel

Prime Minister Ehud Olmert's announcement that he will not continue to serve after the Kadima party holds its primary opens the way for a new game between Israel and its Arab partners - Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen) and Syrian President Bashar Assad. In any case, both of them knew the past few months could not have brought about any real change. Abbas has already declared that he is not expecting an agreement to be signed by the end of 2008 and Assad is waiting for the results of the U.S. presidential elections.

"It is not possible for me to suggest that 5 million refugees return to Israel because then they [the Israelis] will say that I want to destroy the state. But it also isn't possible for me to say that not a single one of them should return. Both those who return and those who do not need to be paid compensation, as do the countries that have hosted the refugees." This is what Abbas told the newspaper editors he met with in the wake of his talks with Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak last Saturday. The comments indicate what is perhaps the most significant change in Abbas' opinion on the refugee issue and heavily hint at how he believes the refugee problem can be solved.

These remarks also confirm Olmert's statement this week on the narrowing of the gap on the refugee question. Until now Abbas has been saying that "a just solution" must be found for the refugees, in the spirit of the 2002 Arab League resolution. In addition, he has also often reiterated the refugees' right to return to their homeland, all the while refraining from specifying what exactly constitutes "a just solution."
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Olmert, who on Wednesday recounted the achievements he has chalked up during his term in office, will be able to add to those the fact that he succeeded in further advancing the talks with the Palestinians. Abbas' phrasing acknowledges the Israeli position that most refugees will not be able to return. Additional hints of progress can be found in the Palestinian president's remarks on borders. "They [the Israelis] are talking about exchanges of territories and inhabitants. I have informed them that we are in favor of trading land for land to the extent that it will not affect the contiguity of Palestinian territory. They are proposing that we trade 2 percent of the territory, but we disagree about that ... That is why I am hoping for successful negotiations between Israel and every Arab country on the basis of the 1967 borders, since that means I will also negotiate with them on those same borders. That is why I hope Syria will succeed, as did Jordan and Egypt."

The American obstacle

Abbas told the editors about a thus far unknown detail - that Assad had told him at March's Arab summit that Syria and Israel had made considerable progress in their bilateral negotiations and were already "on the matter of the maps." Since then, the negotiations have progressed even further, and this week, as the fourth round of talks was being held in Turkey, the possibility of the two sides holding direct talks between themselves was openly discussed.

Turkish sources say that the Syrians are finding it difficult to understand how a proposed law on an Israeli referendum on withdrawing from the Golan Heights concords with the reality of negotiations. But the main obstacle remains American agreement to participate in these talks. Syria does not understand why the U.S. can be a partner to talks with Iran - the country that, according to both the U.S. and Israel, constitutes a global threat - but is not willing to send a representative to peace talks with Syria.

Washington should be very attentive to this Syrian feeling, particularly in the context of the extraordinary statement by Hossein Shariatmadari, an advisor to Iranian leader Ali Khamenei and the editor of the newspaper Kayhan. About two weeks ago, Shariatmadari said, "Iran's relations with Syria will change considerably if Syria signs a peace agreement with Israel." Shariatmadari added that Iran is not pleased with the relations between Turkey and Israel.

Syria is not alarmed by the threat. In fact, Assad and his aides have made clear that while Syria and Iran's interests relate to each other, they do not see eye to eye on everything. It seems as though Israel did not even have to propose the severing of relations between Syria and Iran as a condition for negotiations. It is quite possible that Tehran will do just that and it is even more likely that it will bite the bullet and continue to maintain relations with Syria, just as it has with Turkey, India and other countries that have good relations with Israel.

Israel's negotiations with Syria do not necessarily influence its talks with the Palestinians, but Abbas understands that he has to navigate between Syria's ambition to play a role in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and his obligation to the Egyptians. If he wants to enlist Arab support for a flexible solution to the issues of refugees and borders, he is more in need of Egyptian and Saudi support than Syrian aid.

Bringing Syria into the fold

In addition, of late, Abbas has been feeling that Egypt is preoccupied with trying to reconcile Fatah and Hamas, in order to quash the threat of the border crossing between Gaza and Egypt being broken through again, and for that reason is minimally involved with Israel. Abbas knows that without a domestic reconciliation with Hamas, no diplomatic solution with Israel will have a future. At the same time, he knows that without Syrian backing for the internal reconciliation talks, Egypt will suffer from carrying this burden alone. Abbas discussed this with Assad at the beginning of July and later during the Union for the Mediterranean conference in Paris. The upshot is that Assad is now pressing Hamas to make progress in the reconciliation talks; Mubarak, for his part, sees no impediment to bringing Syria into the talks, directly or indirectly.

Assad and Abbas make a point of stressing that separate tracks exists, and that the Syrian and Palestinian tracks do not depend on each other. Still, without going into detail, Abbas has explained that "coordination and exchanges of information" do take place between the two Arab sides.

Mubarak is still not speaking directly to Assad. A cold handshake in Paris was the only friendly gesture between them in the last two years, despite the expectation that a meeting between them would melt the ice a bit. There was even talk of Mubarak inviting Assad for dinner, but so far the idea remains on the back burner.

In the meantime, the power struggles in Gaza (between Fatah and Hamas, and between Hamas and other local organizations); the pressure to open the Rafah border crossing; the negotiations for the release of kidnapped soldier Gilad Shalit; and the ceaseless ticking away of the cease-fire's provision that it be extended to the West Bank in four and a half months - all of these necessitate a quick tying together of the loose ends.

"The Israelis think they can conduct separate negotiations over each thing," says a senior Fatah figure. "Shalit alone, the Rafah crossing point alone, a diplomatic agreement with Abbas and a truce with Hamas. But everything is linked. Hamas is exploiting Shalit as a political and diplomatic lever, and not just in order to free prisoners. Syria is exploiting Hamas for its own needs, in order to show Egypt that it isn't the only landlord in the region, and Abbas' friends are also making political and not just diplomatic calculations. All these issues contain a lot of explosive material, without a safety catch."
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