Subscribe to Print Edition | Mon., July 21, 2008 Tamuz 18, 5768 | | Israel Time: 02:25 (EST+7)
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Talking and suspecting
By Haaretz Editorial
Tags: Geneva, U.S., Iran

A noteworthy development has emerged from the Geneva negotiations between European Union officials and Iran's representative to the talks on its nuclear program, Saeed Jalili. For the first time, William Burns, the U.S. undersecretary of state for political affairs, is attending the meetings. On the face of it, this appears to be a change in American policy, which had hitherto ruled out any direct negotiations with Iran on its nuclear policy before it agreed to suspend its efforts to make atomic weapons. At the same time, news reports indicate that the U.S. and Iran are in discussions that might allow a U.S. diplomatic mission to reopen in Tehran after 30 years of severed ties.

Is this a turning point in American policy on Iran? Undoubtedly, this is at the very least a new tactical approach by Washington. Perhaps the U.S., with which Israel has spearheaded a tough, even aggressive brand of diplomacy against Iran in recent years, now seeks to demonstrate that it does not oppose efforts to freeze Tehran's nuclear program by way of dialogue.

Washington, which has also signed on to the incentives-package recently offered to Iran and which the Islamic regime is now considering, is signaling that it is now cooperating with the EU on all matters linked to dialogue. In return, the U.S. expects the Europeans to assist if talks break down and a more muscular course of action becomes necessary.
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Perhaps, though, the U.S. is taking a realistic look at the diplomatic map. Perhaps Washington believes that as long as emerging powers such as China (which is also a party to the talks) and countries like India and Pakistan plan on making significant investments in Iran, and as long as Russia continues to assume its traditional contrarian stance, it would be difficult to form an international consensus on new sanctions against Iran.

In addition, a military offensive against Iran is by no means simple, especially when one considers the likelihood of a destructive Iranian counterattack, whether it be bombing Israeli targets or targets in pro-American Arab states, or even a blocking of the Strait of Hormuz, which would likely send oil prices to intolerably high levels.

These scenarios coupled with the absence of an international consensus make the discussions with Iran an option to which the major powers should devote Herculean efforts. Statements coming from Iran - especially those by Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki - also indicate a change in tactics by the regime. Mottaki was quoted as saying he supported an official American presence at the talks and that he would not rule out the opening of an American diplomatic office in his country.

Nonetheless, these positive signals cannot camouflage Iran's determination to attain the status of a nuclear power.

One cannot overstate that it was during the period when the voices of Iranian moderation were heard, when Hashemi Rafsanjani and Mohammad Khatami occupied the president's chair, that Iran's nuclear program was allowed to develop with no interference from outside.

We ought to welcome all attempts at substantive dialogue that can lead to a suspension of Iran's uranium enrichment activity in a way that provides enough reliable safeguards and supervisory measures.

At the same time, Iran's deceptive behavior and policy of buying time constantly warn against any efforts to pull the wool over our eyes.
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