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The Jacob Syndrome
By David B. Rivkin, Jr., and Karl R. Moor
Tags: ISRAEL, Ron Arad, Hezbollah

"But Jacob said [to Reuben], my son will not go down there with you; his brother is dead, and he is the only one left. If harm comes to him on the journey you are taking, you bring my head down to the grave in sorrow."

The government's agreement to exchange several live terrorists with Hezbollah for what can be assumed to be the remains of two Israeli soldiers constitutes not only another humiliation for Israel and a victory for the forces of terrorism, but also a disturbing triumph of sentiment over sense and strategy in Israel's political culture. The damage to Israel's credibility will extend far beyond its dealings with terrorist organizations and will adversely impact the entire spectrum of national security challenges facing Jerusalem, including its dealings with Iran.

By a vote of 20 to three, Prime Minister Ehud Olmert's cabinet approved the German-brokered deal with Hezbollah, one of Israel's most relentless foes. The outcome is a devil's bargain. In exchange for returning live terrorists to Hezbollah - among them the notorious Samir Kuntar -Israel will presumably receive the bodies of two captured Israeli soldiers and "information" of as-yet-to-be seen quality on the whereabouts of Israeli navigator Ron Arad, shot down in Lebanon in 1986. There should be little doubt that these terrorists will kill again. Indeed, in an open letter, Kuntar recently assured Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah of his plans to return to the "jihad" against Israel "until we achieve a decisive victory."
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Even more than past prisoner swaps, in which Israel has released up to hundreds of prisoners in exchange for individual, live Israelis, this deal serves to confirm terrorism's core assumption: namely, that civilized societies will make political concessions rather than endure the kinds of atrocities terrorists have no qualms about meting out. Defeating terrorism requires a certain degree of steeliness that, on different occasions, both Israel and the United States, for all their military prowess, have found it difficult to summon up.

Yet, even if societies besieged by terrorism have, on occasion, given in and negotiated for the release of hostages, to make such sweeping concessions in exchange for the release of dead hostages is to communicate a new degree of softness. In the minds of Hezbollah and its kind, Israel is no longer just a state that will make concessions for its citizens' lives and liberty - which can be bad enough - but it has also become one that will trade away its own security, by releasing people who will almost surely attack again, to assuage sorrows over the loss of loved ones.

There is no question, of course, that the families of the murdered soldiers deserve the return of their remains or that their sacrifice is one for which every Israeli should be grateful. The problem is that the trade made by the government has nullified those sacrifices and will inevitably impose the same tragedies on many more Israeli families. Moral calculus at the governmental level often necessarily differs from individual morality. The cabinet's decision to reward, rather than to punish, the killing of Ehud Goldwasser and Eldad Regev makes it unmistakably clear that terrorists can extort highly profitable strategic bargains by exploiting Israel's sense of decency.

Hezbollah and its ilk will have far less incentive to keep prisoners alive in the future. We should thus expect more kidnappings and murders. We will see more terrorist commuters as well, happily returning to the jihad after by-passing prison sentences through such wholly disproportionate "exchanges."

In fairness to Israel's politicians, both weak and strong, there is a pathos unleashed upon them both powerful and undeniable. Sixty years of losing innocent lives can create in any society a "Jacob Syndrome." No matter the risk to the whole, the loss of one becomes unbearable. Israeli society and its media focus on these losses relentlessly. In the unholy swap of lost heroes for living terrorists, three cabinet ministers, however, found their way to a proper resolve.

Israel has been at its strongest when it has upheld its reputation for refusing to negotiate with those operating beyond the pale of civilized conduct. Preserving a reputation for toughness has, certainly, forced the Israeli people to accept terrible tragedies, but we can be sure that it has prevented many more. Yet the government's latest swap fits into the broader narrative espoused by Islamic terrorists: Push a Western democracy hard enough, and it will give in. Despite their high-tech weapons, Israel, the United States and other Western powers lack the stomach for confrontation and suffering; Islamic extremism will triumph, in the end, simply because its adherents are willing to give and take more pain.

This is a tragedy of historical proportions. What is worse is that this decision comes amid other policy failures, such as Israel's 2006 defeat in Lebanon and its latest cease-fire with Hamas. By demonstrating Israeli weakness across the board, the Olmert government has seriously depleted the reservoir of strategic toughness that generations of Israeli soldiers and statesman amassed at great cost. A credible deterrent takes decades to build up but moments to squander. The Olmert government's demonstrated lack of resolve in its dealings with Hezbollah may well undermine its efforts to deter Hezbollah's Iranian masters from developing nuclear weapons.

David B. Rivkin, Jr., a Washington, D.C. lawyer, served in the Ronald Reagan and George H.W. Bush administrations. Karl R. Moor, an Atlanta-based lawyer, served as a congressional staffer.
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