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Wanted: Unity government
By Yoel Marcus
Tags: morris talansky, israel 

Reading the newspapers this week, on the eve of the second anniversary of the Second Lebanon War, you don't know whether to laugh or cry. Ehud Olmert haggling with the police over how many hours he is prepared to devote to being questioned over the Talansky envelopes and whether they contained "pocket money" or bribes. A half-page spread on former finance minister Abraham Hirchson, accused of stealing public funds. Ex-president Moshe Katsav smiling from ear to ear as he demands perks from the state - a new office in Tel Aviv, a new chauffeured car and a bigger budget for "liaison with the public" - while an indictment continues to hang over his head.

Flip another page and you discover that the government debate on the Haim Ramon affair was two hours longer than an urgent cabinet meeting this week to discuss the arms race being carried out by Hezbollah and Iran.

Tomorrow, it will be two years since the outbreak of the Second Lebanon War. Instead of dwelling endlessly on how the war turned out as it did, and instead of holding symposia on the past, which nothing is going to change, we need to focus on the immediate future.
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At least this much is clear: The war and its aftermath have paralyzed this country for the last two years. We barely had time to lick our wounds before Olmert was accused of criminal offenses, and most of his ministers want to see him gone. Ehud Barak, who may have been acceptable as defense minister, still has a way to go before he can claim to be the top man in the government.

In its special report on Israel at 60, The Economist writes that Israel's political system is crippling it most. Not war in Lebanon and not the Palestinians, but a non-functioning government. It's not that The Economist has discovered anything new. Henry Kissinger was already saying that "Israel has no foreign policy, only a domestic political system" three decades ago.

A sober assessment of the immediate future has become more complicated since the last war. To cope with the threats that lie ahead, we need to concentrate on four things. One, the public must realize that the fight isn't over and we cannot turn our swords into plowshares just yet. Two, we need an authoritative political and military leadership that can correctly evaluate the situation and do what needs to be done. Three, an effort must be made to get Syria to quit the radical axis and switch off war mode, thereby weakening Hezbollah and Iran. Four, we must act wisely in our dealings with Iran, and make sure to look before we leap.

And most importantly, any decision to go to war must be made from the head, not the gut. Anger is a bad counselor, as the Hebrew saying goes, and revenge is a dish best served cold. The public absolutely must get used to the idea that in any military operation, war or deterioration in Israeli security, the home front will always be the main front.

That is the price Israel pays for the Arabs having accepted the idea that they cannot beat the Israel Defense Forces or compete with Israel's superior air force. Those who still believe that Israel can be destroyed therefore invest all their energy in attacking the home front. Israel's citizens have been turned into soldiers without uniform. It is their steadfastness and stamina that will determine whether we win or lose. Reaching a decision to go to war is simpler when you know how and when it will end. A mechanism for ending the war is critical, as proved by the Second Lebanon War.

Many commentators, self-styled and otherwise, are saying we can't afford to waste the next two years the way we wasted the last two. The next government, which probably won't include Olmert, needs to come up with some bold new initiative for an accord with the Palestinians.

In retrospect, it may have been a mistake not to reach an agreement with Yasser Arafat after the Oslo Accords. If there was ever a Palestinian leader who had the authority to do as he pleased, it was Arafat. With him around, Hamas would never have had the kind of power it has today. The second mistake is entirely the fault of President George W. Bush, who talked a big game but failed to use his clout to force Israel to dismantle at least the illegal outposts. Today's defense establishment does not foresee an agreement with the Palestinians any time soon.

In the challenging times ahead, what Israel needs most is a leadership with the moral and public mandate to make tough decisions, a leadership with the strength to make territorial concessions, send soldiers into battle and abstain from hasty military campaigns - even when the situation is so maddening you could blow your top.

When Olmert is replaced, as the pundits believe he will, Israel needs not another political combo but a unity government.
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  1.   `Unity government` are hollow words. 06:30  |  Akram Zekaria 11/07/08
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