(Translated from "Le Toi Du Moi", words and melody by Carla Bruni)
PARIS - See Carla Bruni and die. Hear her sing - or rather, whisper - and faint. Hear the words to her music and load them with pile upon pile of interpretations. The imagination of the members of the presidential entourage worked overtime on the evening France's first lady joined the festive dinner in honor of President Shimon Peres. It is unlikely that they recognized the line "You are the glass and I am the wine" from Bruni's beautiful song, "Le Toi Du Moi." Her pre-dinner announcement that she would participate in the toast in honor of the Israeli president, but would be drinking water, was clear proof to some of the entourage's members: A stork will soon be visiting the Elysee Palace. Some of those present actually swore they were able to discern a pregnant belly hiding under her purple dress. Others dismissed this diagnosis contemptuously: By the end of the evening, Bruni had already downed four glasses of wine - they were counting.
She might be the "beast," she definitely is the beauty, and apparently he is the old man, but the entire show belonged to the president of the State of Israel, the first foreign leader to be welcomed with a state ceremony in the City of Lights since Nicolas Sarkozy assumed the presidency. To Peres, France has become a legend - and that is also how he has been, and continues to be, perceived here. Peres being Peres, he did not forgo the chance of lending his visit a glorious historic touch, one that far exceeds the question of the beverage choices of France's first lady, and obviously stands far above the discussion about the invitation to model Bar Rafaeli ("Bar qui? - "Bar who?"), of which no Frenchman in Paris was aware.
In his most important speech, on which he had worked for weeks, Peres spoke of Rashi, "the great commentator of the Bible, who saved from oblivion the original format of hundreds of ancient French words," and of Napoleon, who, in his declaration in Jaffa, told the Jewish people that the time had come to demand the rehabilitation of their civil rights and to fortify their position among the nations of the world. He also mentioned the writer Francois-Rene de Chateaubriand, who spoke about "this tiny nation that miraculously did not assimilate and was revived once again on the soil of its homeland." His speech made further reference to former French prime minister Leon Blum, who was proud of his Zionism; author Andre Malraux, who "whispered into my ear that if he were younger, he would sign up for the Israel Defense Forces"; Francois Mitterrand, who told the Knesset that "the heart of the French nation quivered with the heart of the Jewish people when the State of Israel was established"; and to Jacques Chirac, too, the first French president who, in the name of France, accepted responsibility for the crimes of the Vichy regime.
Of course the speaker, a former cowherd on Kibbutz Alumot, did not exclude himself from the speech, but apologized for the excessive use of the first person, explaining that this was a necessity born out of the fact that he was one of the few remaining who are still able to tell the "big story": "A year before the War of Independence, my mentor, David Ben-Gurion, recruited me to the staff of the Haganah [the pre-state underground Jewish army]," he said. "He showed me the list of weapons Israel had at its disposal. We did not have one real plane. Not one cannon that really fired. Not one tank that moved the way it should. 'Without weapons of self- defense, we will not be able to save our souls,' Ben-Gurion said. We tried to obtain weapons in clandestine fashion - legally, an embargo had been imposed on us."
Peres mentioned the massive arming of the Arabs by the Soviet Union. Israel's appeals to the United States and Britain were turned down, leaving France as the savior. "I shall never forget my first steps on French soil," Peres said. "I was adopted like a lost son who did not know the language but felt at home. It is difficult to describe the warmth, the identification with and the support of the French, which I encountered in every corner of this country. Simple people and leaders. Statesmen, artists, writers, generals, journalists, heads of industry and stevedores in the ports. France granted Israel more than any other nation gave another: The sophistication of its planes. Its cannons, which do not miss a shot, and its missiles, which enabled us to save our souls."
Much of Peres' speech was in the past tense. But not all of it. He devoted a number of sentences to the here and now, but the visionary also reserved quite a few words for the future. In a conversation with Haaretz, the president said that "there is no parallel to friendship of this kind between nations," but he added that he preferred not to join in the chorus of those who call his visit to Paris "the closing of a circle." "History does not move in circles but rather in one direction, which stems from the vast changes that have taken place in the lives of the nations and the world," he said. In that sense, the visit should be seen as an opportunity for him not only to say thank you, but also to open a new chapter that will focus on the struggle with the challenges awaiting Israel - first and foremost, the danger of the Iranian nuclear armament and terrorism.
In France, Peres is perceived as someone who encapsulates the history of the State of Israel and the golden age of the relations between the two countries. He broadcast love of France and in return was showered with love, too. He embraced his hosts and they rewarded him with medals and valuable gifts. He spoke of a joint future and they immediately wished to join in his vision.
Talks on cooperation
The president's military adjutant, Shimon Hefetz, told Haaretz that he had taken with him to Paris documents and aerial photographs relating to the development of Iran's nuclear program and the assistance given by Tehran to Hezbollah and Hamas. According to Peres, these materials did not have to be presented to Sarkozy, "who is up-to-date on even the smallest aspects of the subject." Peres said that like him, Sarkozy considers Iran to be the center of terrorism and of the enrichment of uranium, and that the combination of the two could result in a chaotic world. The French president said he was committed to continuing the fight against Iran's nuclearization.
Hefetz also revealed that while in France, he had held discussions about the possibility of cooperation between the military and aircraft industries of the two countries - especially in the field of unmanned aerial vehicles - to the tune of 500 million euros. Peres confirmed that "there are developments with regard to military and security cooperation," but refused to provide any further details.
Peres wanted to take advantage of the fact that France will hold the European Union's rotating presidency starting July 1, in an effort to upgrade Israel's standing on the continent and join European organizations in the spheres in which Israel has a particular interest, such as finance, education, environment, energy and law. French Premier Francois Fillon accepted the challenge and promised that this topic would be included on its list of priorities when France assumes the presidency.
Peres also expressed support for Sarkozy's concept of a Mediterranean union, whose purpose would be to unite the countries around the Mediterranean through an intercultural dialogue and the promotion of economic projects dealing with water, quality of life, energy and so forth. Peres requested that any such union be linked to his own vision focusing on "the two seas canal" and the "valley of peace." Sarkozy responded that he intends to turn the Med-Dead canal into a flagship project of France and Europe, and instructed his aides to study the subject. He also promised to once again convene the "donor nations," so as to ensure support for these projects, too.
The French president once again reiterated his commitment "not to make concessions with regard to Israel's security" and expressed "full solidarity" with Israel's fight against terrorism. In addition, Sarkozy promised to continue pursuing the matter of the abducted Israeli soldiers.
And yet, most local newspapers covering "the summit meeting between 'France's friend' and 'Israel's friend,'" chose headlines that dealt with the reproaches voiced by the latter: "Israel must understand that it has to take all the risks on behalf of peace. Taking risks is less dangerous than doing nothing," Sarkozy told Peres. The French president also said, "Israel's security is dependent on demolishing settlements and establishing a Palestinian state," and urged Peres to act toward establishment of a Palestinian state before the end of the year. For his part, France's foreign minister, Bernard Kouchner, attacked "Israel's non-proportional reaction in Gaza."
Change of atmosphere
Le Monde's editorial stated that in the final analysis, both Sarkozy's "language of truth" as well as his Mideast policy were no different from the classic policy of French diplomacy. "It is even possible to claim that, in the 10 months since he has assumed office, Sarkozy has conducted a very active pro-Arab policy, which found expression in the fact that he visited many countries - from the Maghreb to the Persian Gulf - and promised to assist them in building nuclear reactors for civilian purposes... What has changed [in Sarkozy's term of office] is mainly the atmosphere. Not the content."
Philosopher Bernard-Henri Levy tends to agree. In a conversation with Haaretz, he said yesterday that while Peres had been received with sympathy and in a spirit of great friendship, one should not forget the great honor - and perhaps even greater splendor - with which another head of state, hardly comparable to Peres, had been received in Paris - the leader of a country that is neither democratic nor a friend of Israel. "I was embarrassed by the way in which the visit of [Libyan president] Muammar Gadhafi was organized. It went far beyond the necessary realpolitik," Levy said. "All I can say about Sarkozy's policy is that it amazes me." Writer Jean-Francois Kahn, former editor of the popular magazine Marianne, says the way in which Sarkozy constantly changes his line makes it difficult to adopt a decisive stance about his foreign policy. In Kahn's opinion, Sarkozy's pro-Americanism is firm. The views of the French president resemble those of former British prime minister Tony Blair and former Spanish prime minister Jose Maria Aznar - even if he only espouses these ideas in an effort to distance himself from Gaullism and everything embodied by former president Jacques Chirac and his premier, Dominique de Villepin.
Surprisingly, Kahn adds that it is possible that Sarkozy's friendship toward Israel is connected with the fact that "he discovered his Jewish grandfather not so long ago," and also to a belief that he should have close relations with wealthy and influential Jews, which could certainly benefit him. Finally, Kahn supports the surprising view held by Bernard-Henri Levy that the sale of nuclear reactors to countries that do not recognize Israel - and certainly to Libya's Gadhafi - constitutes something "even Mitterand and Chirac would not have done today."
Haim Musikant, director of CRIF, the umbrella organization of French Jews, begs to differ. "It must be remembered that Sarkozy is the president of the French Republic and not the president of Israel," he says. "With all the friendship he feels toward Israel - and this is very deep and sincere - he still has to protect the interests of France. There is no doubt that Sarkozy closed the gap created by his predecessors between a very pro-Arab policy and their declarations of friendship for Israel." Contrary to Le Monde, Musikant says, "It is certainly possible already to speak of a change in the French orientation."
Haim Musikant's view is shared by Dominique Moisi, a leading French analyst. "In our world, a change of style becomes a change of content," he says. "When we see the warmth Sarkozy emanates to his visitor and look at the Israeli flags waving in the wind on the Champs Elysee, there can be no mistake about it. It is true that the personal dimension plays a part here, but the attitude toward Peres, 'the symbol,' went beyond that. Sarkozy's policy contains many more elements of disassociation than continuation with the policy of former president Chirac. One can certainly talk about a new French policy in the Middle East. In the history of the Fifth Republic, there has never been a president who is so warm toward, and supportive of, Israel."
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