More than ever before, the leaders who gathered at Annapolis this week appeared to want peace between Israel and the Palestinians, believing that time is short and that every passing day diminishes their power against the extremists in their own camp. The enthusiasm was evident in the speeches, in the body language, in the effort to extract the maximum out of the meeting, which everyone complained was not significant, even before it had started. The purpose of the meeting was to jump-start the dormant process, and it has been achieved completely. The conditions for pushing forward have been created.
The pressure applied by George Bush and Condoleezza Rice, up to the last minute, in order to reach a joint political declaration, promises strict American supervision and unwillingness to tolerate wasting of time. The argument being raised, that the time table is too tight (by the end of 2008), is ridiculous. If every one of the participants makes himself comfortable and sits on the laurels of his success at the meeting, the memory of Annapolis will be short.
A tough American approach, essentially pressuring both sides to discuss the core issues, could have positive results. Both sides know the details of a possible agreement, but are worried they lack the mandate to sign such a deal. Because of this, they must welcome American pressure. It is a mistake to assume that a new American administration or a new president will have a different agenda. The American interest in the Middle East is to solve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as soon as possible.
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Ehud Olmert and Tzipi Livni have come a long way from their revisionist world view, on which they were raised and which they sold to their public during their days in Likud, all the way to the speeches they made at Annapolis. Today, November 29, 60 years since the United Nations voted in favor of a two-state solution, we can say that the recognition of a solution of two states for two peoples, the understanding that there are two peoples, has taken too long to mature and the cost in blood has been unbearable. It is also what led to the creation of Kadima.
Most Israelis and Palestinians already have adopted the formula: Israel is the national home of the Jews and that is where their right of return will be manifested, while Palestine will be the national home of the Palestinians, and that is where their right of return will be manifested. This idea was expressed in President Bush's speech at Annapolis. Even though it appears that there are core issues that are hard to bridge, the disagreement is essentially only on the drawing of the border between the two countries. As Ehud Barak justly noted in his speech at Annapolis, while he was prime minister, significant progress was made on this matter at Camp David seven years ago.
It is impossible to downplay the value of the meeting, at a time when 49 representatives of countries and international organizations were in attendance, including representatives of countries with whom Israel has no diplomatic relations. The courageous speeches of Olmert and Mahmoud Abbas should also not be discounted, each leader having to deal with a militant opposition of his own. Those who search for a light at the end of the tunnel can focus their stares on the team of Tony Blair, Salam Fayyad, and Barak, who have taken upon themselves to help the process. Hopefully, the prime minister will appoint a serious, high-level team to continue the talks, and Kadima will stand behind him against the coalition partners who lose sleep at the thought of an agreement with the Palestinians.
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