Forward More than ever before, the leaders who gathered at Annapolis this week appeared to want peace between Israel and the Palestinians, believing that time is short and that every passing day diminishes their power against the extremists in their own camp.
Editorial (29/11/07)
Only Bush can If there is one lesson to be learned from the Annapolis summit, it is that American leadership in the peace process between Israel and its Arab neighbors is essential.
By Aluf Benn (29/11/07)
The end of the 'great hopes' The identities of the main participants were different, but the rest of the elements, especially the text and the setting at Annapolis, was frighteningly reminiscent of half a dozen previous "peace events," all of which ended in bloodbaths.
By Israel Harel (29/11/07)
Annapolis and the coalition / Should they stay or go? The identities of the main participants were different, but the rest of the elements, especially the text and the setting at Annapolis, was frighteningly reminiscent of half a dozen previous "peace events," all of which ended in bloodbaths.
By Yossi Verter (28/11/07)
The Palestinians after the summit / Bring in Hamas The key question now is whether Abbas will turn Gaza into a new place of exile for Palestinians and abandon the Palestinian principle of creating a single state incorporating Gaza and the West Bank. Or will he find a way to include Hamas?
By Zvi Bar'el (28/11/07)
People who hate the very idea of peace You know them. The people who come out every time there's any chance of anything resembling a move toward peace between Israel and the Palestinians. You know their simmering rage, their triumphant condescension, their propensity to call anyone who opposes them, at best, a wishful thinker, at worst, a dangerous traitor.
By Bradley Burston (27/11/07)
Bush's baby - and ours We have never had a president like George W. Bush, and chances are we will never have another. If we reach an agreement, we are not only clinching a deal with Mahmoud Abbas, but with the whole of the moderate Arab world.
By Yoel Marcus (27/11/07)
The name of the game: lowered expectations After years of bitter experience, only augmented by jet-lag, Palestinians have learned to lower expectations if they are to have any success in political talks. So now, even an unpleasant diplomatic "incident" at the Israeli delegation's Mandarin Orient Hotel here didn't faze the Palestinian team.
By Avi Issacharoff (27/11/07)
Annapolis Diary / You were expecting a weekend in Riyadh? The familiar ironic glint briefly returned to Prime Minister Ehud Olmert's tired eyes when he noted the only invited country that, 'unfortunately,' will not attend the Annapolis conference: Djibouti. Then, asked about the Saudis' determination not to shake hands, he showed his fighting spirit.
By Shmuel Rosner and Aluf Benn (27/11/07)
Nine reasons Annapolis will succeed Dismissed and derided from every quarter, laughed off as a lukewarm sham, the Annapolis peace summit has confounded many Middle East analysts merely by the prospect of its actually taking place.
By Bradley Burston (26/11/07)
Annapolis Diary / Between the teachers strike and the strike on Syria With or without a declaration, the first day of the Annapolis week saw Syria come out the big winner yesterday, when for 24 hours the Palestinians were nearly forgotten and the public interest in Syria's participation overshadowed the topic at the center of the conference.
By Shmuel Rosner and Aluf Benn (26/11/07)
Israel's defense & Annapolis / A defensive dilemma Here, in a nutshell, is the Israel Defense Forces' dilemma ahead of the Annapolis conference: To what extent should proactive measures in the West Bank (and to a lesser extent in the Gaza Strip) be rolled back in the coming days?
By Amos Harel (26/11/07)
The price of Arab inclusion The Arab countries' decision should be interpreted as full involvement in the process in the hope of jump-starting a comprehensive peace process, part of which will be talks on withdrawal from the Golan Heights, as per the Syrian demand.
Editorial (26/11/07)
The price of Arab inclusion It is true that, to date, U.S. President George W. Bush has not exhibited a great deal of wisdom in his dealings with the Middle East. But it hard to believe that the leader of the superpower and his aides do not recognize the risk they have taken by holding the Annapolis summit.
By Akiva Eldar (26/11/07)
To Annapolis - without illusions There is something delusory about the range of reactions being heard in Israel ahead of the Annapolis conference. The extreme right refers to it as to an approaching Holocaust and warns of dangerous concessions. The extreme left sees it as the last chance for Israeli-Palestinian conciliation.
By Shlomo Avineri (26/11/07)
Without conferences, without linkage Like a recipe for a meal from leftovers sitting in the refrigerator, the Annapolis conference seeks to combine everything, mix well and serve. Perhaps the diners won't notice the moldy clumps covered up with heavy spices, especially in the context of a respectable event.
By Zvi Bar'el (25/11/07)
We are not suckers The behavior of the Arab foreign ministers toward the Israeli delegation to Annapolis will press a sensitive point among Israelis - their fear that they may be seen as suckers. This will be perceived in Israel as proof there is no chance of successful negotiations with them and of the prime minister's stupidity.
By Uzi Benziman (25/11/07)
Demands of a thief After 40 years, one might have expected that the real core issue would finally be raised for honest and bold discussion: Does Israel have the moral right to continue the occupation? The world should have asked this long ago. The Palestinians should have focused only on this. And above all, we, who bear the guilt, should have been terribly troubled by the answer to this question.
By Gideon Levy (25/11/07)
Attendance of Arab FMs is first victory of Annapolis Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Jordan object to Bush's division of the Middle East into moderate and radical states; they are also no longer willing to leave the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to Washington and Jerusalem.
By Zvi Bar'el (25/11/07)
PA should have set the bar higher at the outset 'Neither side will make any move to change the status of the West Bank and Gaza Strip until the agreement is fully implemented,' says one item in the Palestinian draft of the joint accord for Annapolis.
By Amira Hass (23/11/07)
Don't knock Annapolis Even in our age of cynicism, there is room to wonder whether the dismissive attitude of the chorus ridiculing the Annapolis summit is justified. After all, even the cynics acknowledge that the broad outlines of a two state solution are known, clear and acceptable to the majority in both nations.
Editorial (23/11/07)
The Condoleezza story In Annapolis we will see no more than an extravagant media gimmick; an orchestrated performance whose Middle Eastern actors are taking part in it halfheartedly because 'the president expects it.'
By Emmanuel Sivan (23/11/07)
The consensus conference Prime Minister Ehud Olmert has yet to reach an agreement with the Palestinians or the Syrians, but he has managed to make peace between Benjamin Netanyahu and Yossi Beilin. Both are opposed to the Annapolis conference.
By Aluf Benn (22/11/07)
The old Barak and the new Calls to scrap the Annapolis conference before it is even convened are complete nonsense, not least because they are odd and belated, like trying to roll a half-cooked omelette back into an eggshell.
By Yossi Sarid (22/11/07)
They have crossed all the lines It is precisely those who believe that two states for two peoples has a chance - that Israel's Arabs can be loyal to a Jewish, Zionist and Democratic state - who must at this critical moment say to Israel's Arabs that they have gone far enough.
By Israel Harel (22/11/07)
Think of Annapolis as a big party It all comes down to the questions every host asks: Did I get a good turnout? Who came? Did they look nice? Did they mingle? Were they happy? (The food will not be an issue)
Rosner's Domain (22/11/07)
Barak - suspected saboteur Defense Minister Ehud Barak has said on a number of occasions that he is 'praying for the success of the Annapolis summit.' It is good to see Barak placing his trust in God. It is even better to see him wishing for the summit to succeed. However, a defense minister is expected to do much more than just pray.
Editorial (21/11/07)
Border Control / The Annapolis Circus With all due respect for Strategic Affairs Minister Avigdor Lieberman, a settler, and Industry, Trade and Labor Minister Eli Yishai, a rabbi, forces many times stronger than them will transform Annapolis from the launching pad for an Israeli-Palestinian declaration of principles into 'merely a support parley that will set the process in motion,' as Prime Minister Ehud Olmert put it.
By Akiva Eldar (21/11/07)
The importance of who attends Annapolis from Arab states The pessimism barometer surrounding the Annapolis summit now includes a new measure: in addition to the question that has yet to be answered - which Arab states will attend - everyone is waiting for Thursday to hear about the level of the delegations the Arab states will send.
By Zvi Bar'el (21/11/07)
Peace is not child's play Foreign diplomats who meet with the prime minister get the impression that Ehud Olmert understands that reaching an agreement with the Palestinians is a vital Israeli interest.
By Akiva Eldar (21/11/07)
Waiting for Annapolis What logic is there in arriving at an agreement that is not based on the facts on the ground at the time the agreement is being signed? Who knows what the situation will be in the future?
By Moshe Arens (20/11/07)
It's better to stay home The absence of a discussion on the core issues at Annapolis will leave us stuck in the intersection, exposed to extremists on both sides. The familiar syndrome is recurring: The moment of truth approaches, another opportunity is created, there is a chance of significantly promoting the political process to achieve a historic peace treaty, and then the sides suffer an attack of cold feet.
By Yossi Beilin (19/11/07)
What do you mean when you say 'no'? Undoubtedly, Israel wants peace. But a tiny detail seems to have been forgotten: Israel has signed a series of binding agreements to freeze settlement activity, which it never intended to fulfill.
By Gideon Levy (18/11/07)
See you at the next summit The Annapolis conference is over before it started. Its fascinating discussions and earth-shaking decisions have not been conducted and made at the American port city, but at the Knesset in Israel.
By Zvi Bar'el (18/11/07)
Crafting the invitation to Annapolis It is important to remember that if Madrid succeeded in launching a decade-long peace process between Israel and its Arab neighbors, it was not by dint of any diplomatic breakthrough that took place during the three-day conference. Rather, it was thanks to the letter of invitation that bound the participants to a common agenda.
By Yonatan Touval (16/11/07)
A stupid demand Who would believe that 32 years after Herzog's death, and 60 years after the establishment of the State of Israel, which is still here despite all those who sought its downfall, the leaders of this country are demanding to be recognized as a Jewish state?
By Yoel Marcus (16/11/07)
Assassinating Annapolis 'So,' someone said to Avigdor Lieberman this week as it became increasingly clear that the Annapolis summit had been shrunk, shredded and emptied of any meaningful core issues, 'you were able to bend the prime minister to your will.'
By Yossi Verter (15/11/07)
If not Annapolis, then what? Gideon Sa'ar, Likud's most fluent spokesman, believes that after Hamas took over Gaza, Israel should have understood the trap it had fallen into and "run for its life" instead of getting into another round of talks in Annapolis.
Editorial (11/11/07)
A journey to la-la land With the same haste that characterized his decision to embark on the Second Lebanon War, Olmert declared at the Saban Forum that he is going to Annapolis with no lesser goal than solving all the fundamental historic problems of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
By Yoel Marcus (10/11/07)
And after Annapolis, Gaza? After the Annapolis summit there will be no more excuses, and the Israel Defense Forces can embark on a large-scale ground operation in the Gaza Strip. But the timing will be problematic even after Annapolis.
By Aluf Benn (08/11/07)
Peace Index: October 2007 / Unenthused by Annapolis The frequent reports about the approaching Annapolis conference have not changed the Jewish public's expectations: As we found last month, only the rate of those who think the conference can yield a basic clarification of the disputes between Israel and the Palestinians, or significantly advance the chances for a peace agreement, is lower than the rate of those who think it might bear fruit.
By Prof. Ephraim Yaar and Prof. Tamar Hermann (08/11/07)
Should American Jews have a voice in shaping Israel's policies? Annapolis will prove yet again that many American Jewish organizations and philanthropists no longer support 'Israel.' They support the Israeli political camp that's more to their liking, and the actions that seem in tandem with their beliefs.
Rosner's Domain (06/11/07)
Annapolis - The summit of all fears If the signing of the Oslo Accords in Washington was the summit of hope, and the 2000 Camp David Summit was the conference of despair, then the international conference due to take place next month at Annapolis will be the summit of fear.
Rosner's Domain (31/10/07)
Not at any price From here, Annapolis looks like a fata morgana on a sizzling day in the Sahara Desert. Something whitish is visible on the horizon, but you cannot tell who or what it is.
By Yoel Marcus (30/10/07)
The importance of a failed summit Do not belittle the Annapolis summit. Despite all the prophecies of failure, justified as they are, this summit could still make an important contribution to the history of Israeli-Arab negotiations.
By Gideon Levy (29/10/07)
Paying a high price The lull in meetings between Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas and Prime Minister Ehud Olmert dragged Olmert, in an impulsive and unplanned move, into the trap that is the Annapolis summit.
By Israel Harel (18/10/07)
Announcing Annapolis was a mistake From the moment the expectation was put into words, the rules of the game were established: Rice wanted to force the sides to accelerate their meetings and to advance their understandings, but ended up a victim of her strong-arm tactics.
Rosner's Domain (17/10/07)
Who will save Annapolis? There is no chance for real success at Annapolis, where strong leaders are needed to rally their people - either by conviction or force behind the deal they reach. Olmert has never enjoyed the kind of public confidence needed to lead a decisive diplomatic process.
By Amir Oren (16/10/07)
No high hopes for Annapolis Some two-thirds of the Jewish public think that from Israel's standpoint it is impossible to go on indefinitely with the current state of relations between Israel and the Palestinians.
By Prof. Ephraim Yaar and Prof. Tamar Hermann (16/10/07)
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